Unique Friends Association Bunu Tai

26/09/2022

• I was flogged by my father for doing music :- Wizkid

• I got pregnant at 17, during my secondary school days: -Genevieve Nnaji

• I didn't even complete my university education: -Bill Gates

• I once sold plantain: -Inetimi Odon (Timaya)

• I used to serve tea at a shop to support my football training: -Lionel Messi

• I slept under the bridge in lagos: -Ramsey Noah

• I sold rat poison : -Patrick Okorie (Patoranking)

• I was an unwanted baby, my mother almost aborted me: -Cristiano Ronaldo

• I was formerly a maid: -Mercy Johnson

• My family was so poor that even poor people called us poor: -Pastor E.A. Adeboye

• I was once a bus conductor: -Atunyota Akpobome (Ali Baba)

• When I remember my past, it was poverty. When I pass on the road, people usually laugh at me: -Duncan Okechukwu (Duncan Mighty)

• I was in the university for 9 years: -Ayo Makun (AY)

• I was a school dropout: -Mark Zuckerberg

• I grew up in a slum at Ajegunle: -John Asiemo (Daddy Showkey)

• I begged for a chance to perform on stage for free for just 5 minutes, but I wasn't given the chance: -Francis Agoda (I Go Dye)

• I once had no shoes: -Goodluck Jonathan

• I was rejected from birth by my father because he didn't want a girl: -Chika Ike

• I got pregnant when I was in SS3 and was banned from singing in church choir: -Aituaje Iruobe (Waje)

• My family was the poorest in my village; I sold firewood, I was a butcher and also a hairdresser: -John Okafor (Mr Ibu)

WHAT'S YOUR STORY???
Life will always give you one thousand and one reason to give up, please don't

GOD can convert
- Your discomforts to comforts🥺
- Your pains to gains👉
- Your story to glory💪
- Your shame to fame👏
- Your losses to profits☺️
- Your tears to smiles😭😊
- Your sorrows to joy💃
- Your debts to credits👩‍💻
- Your mess to message👩‍💼
- Your foes to friends👭
- Your dreams to realities..🌼👍🥰

Just Believe in God ❤️💝
❤️❤️🥰🥰🥰

03/09/2022

WARNING: DANGER AHEAD.
2023 May not be free and fair.

To All my Obidient and Yusful Children.
Wahala dey.

Is INEC ready for a free and fair election in 2023?
I don’t think so.

EXPERTS IN ELECTION RIGGING HAVE REMOVED INEC ICT DIRECTOR.
Look
The Children of this world are badly SMARTER

"I am beginning to entertain fears that INEC may not conduct a free, fair and transparent election in 2023. The latest redeployment of Engr Chidi Nwafor, the Director of ICT is a sign that all is not well.

Engr Chidi was transferred from Abuja headquarters of INEC to Enugu. He was removed as INEC Director of ICT to a mere Administrative Secretary to INEC Enugu state.

It was Engr Chidi Nwafor who introduced the Bimordal Voting Accreditation System, BVAS. to replace the card reader. The BVAS has proven to be more liable and has largely eliminated rigging.

With BVAS, the issue of over voting, double voting and hijacking of ballot boxes have been eliminated. It also transmits results electronically to the INEC central serve.

More importantly, Engr Chidi Nwafor from information available to AIF MEDIA introduced other applications to help eliminate double registration and ghost resignation.

The application is capable of sieving voters register and produce real voters. It helped in reducing dubious numbers of voters in some states to real organic voters.

Instead of promoting the brain behind this electoral innovation, he was demoted and transferred to Enugu as Administrative Secretary just 6 months to the election.

Is Prof Mahmood and INEC ready for a free and fair election in 2023. There are already doubts".

Please share to create massive awareness about this ugly development.
*Make una no gree ooo we must shout well well, INEC can’t be trusted.

29/08/2022

CHUKWUEMEKA ODUMEGWU OJUKWU AS A YOUTH

22-Year-Old Ojukwu And His Father

Below is a picture of Biafran warlord, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu and his father Louis Ojukwu, in 1955 at Oxford university. Ojukwu bagged a Degree in History.

Ojukwu attended Kings College Lagos, Epsom College, Surrey, England and the prestigious Oxford University, England. By the time Ojukwu returned to Nigeria in 1955, his father had become one of the richest businessmen in the country with a business empire that spanned Transportation, Banking, Retail, Construction and Manufacturing.

Ojukwu's father took him to his corporate headquarters and showed him a well furnished airconditioned office, offering him a top position in his business organisation. Ojukwu turned his father down, telling him he wanted to make his own way in life. Ojukwu eventually secured a job in the civil service as an assistant district officer of Udi division, just outside Enugu. In 1956, Ojukwu was posted to Aba. It was at Aba that Ojukwu attended a party that would change the course of his life. At this party, Ojukwu met a young Yoruba man called Adeyinka Adebayo, who had just been newly commissioned as an officer of the Nigerian Army. Adebayo told Ojukwu that the Army was in the process of being indigenized and their was a shortage of officers. A few weeks after this party, Ojukwu was promoted to District Officer and posted to Calabar.

On hearing that his son had been posted to Calabar, Ojukwus influential father prevailed on the authorities to cancel the posting. When Ojukwu learnt of what his father had done, he angrily resigned his job and drove all the way to Kaduna where he enlisted into the Nigerian Army as a lowly recruit.

The British officers at Kaduna kept wondering what an Oxford graduate was doing as a private in the Army and sent him for officers course in England. Ojukwu returned in 1957 and was commissioned a second Lieutenant, the first graduate to join the Nigerian Army.

Ojukwu rose rapidly through the Army. He was promoted to Lieutenant in 1958, Captain in 1960, Major in 1962 and Lieutenant Colonel in 1964. Ojukwu was commander of the 4th battalion, Kano, when the first coup happened in January 1966.

As the coup unfolded, Major Nzeogwu called on Ojukwu to join the coup to which Ojukwu refused. Ojukwus refusal to join Nzeogwu is one of the major reasons why Nzeogwu's coup eventually failed.
General Ironsi then siezed power and appointed Ojukwu Military Governor of the Eastern Region.

6 months later, mid-level officers of the Nigerian of Northern extraction conducted a coup that led to the overthrow and killing of Ironsi, and the installment of Lt Col Yakubu Gowon as Head of State. The coup also greenlighted a pogrom in which over 30,000 Easterners, mainly Igbos, were killed all over Nigeria, particularly in the North.

The inability of Gowon to stop the killings, the resentment in the Eastern Region against his government and the fact that Ojukwu was senior to Gowon caused bad blood between both men

The crisis became so bad that the then President of Ghana, General Joe Ankrah, intervened and invited both Gowon and Ojukwu to his Hiltop Mansion in Aburi, Ghana, for peace talks in January of 1967.

After two days of discussions, Ojukwu and Gowon signed an agreement that was to be known as the Aburi Accord.

A few months after their return from Ghana, Gowon broke the Aburi accord they signed by issuing decree 14 of 1967 which abolished all the 4 Regions, created 12 states, reversed the fiscal federalism practiced, changed the revenue sharing formula, all in a bid to increase the power of the North over the rest of Nigeria

For Ojukwu, it was the last straw. Ojukwu convened the Eastern Nigerian Consultative Forum, a body that comprised of all the chiefs and head of the 20 provinces that made up the Eastern Region. They sat and discussed for 2 days and mandated Ojukwu to declare the Eastern Region a separate country. On the 30th of May 1967, Ojukwu declared the Eastern Region a separate country called the Republic of Biafra.

In retaliation, Gowon declared war. The war raged on for 3 years and ended in January 1970 with Ojukwu handing over to his deputy, General Effiong, flying into exile in Ivory Coast and the subsequent surrender of Biafra.

Ojukwu later returned from exile 12 years later. He died in London in 2011 aged 78.

Rest in peace Legend..

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27/08/2022

How the 5 core Igbo states and other 2 states where Ndigbo are majority, got their names.

1. Abia

Abia is an acronym from the four main groups of people in the state as at the time it was formed in 1991: Aba Bende Isuikwuato Afikpo.

2. Anambra

The state got its name from the corrupted version of Oma Mbala (Ànyịm Ọma Mbala), a popular river in the area.

3. Delta

The state is where the River Niger forms a delta as it enters the Atlantic Ocean.

4. Ebonyi
Ebonyi is the anglicised version of 'Aboine', a river that cuts through Abakaliki, the state capital.

5. Enugu

Due to the many hills and rocky terrain in the area, the people named it in igbo, "Enu Ugwu" meaning "top of the hill". The state is named after the anglicised version, Enugu.

6. Imo

Just like many of the Nigerian states, Imo took its name from the popular river, Imo Mmiri.

7. Rivers

Rivers State was named after the many water bodies present in the area.

27/08/2022

*OJUKWU'S SPEECH FROM IVORY COAST*

Three days ago I left the Republic of Biafra with certain members of my Cabinet as a result of a decision taken by that Cabinet in the interest of our people's survival.


Since my departure events have moved with such breathless speed that friends and foe alike have been left not only bewildered but confused.

It is therefore necessary for me to address these words to the international press in order to keep the records right, and in pursuit of the object of my leaving the Republic of Biafra.

It is necessary in order to understand events that have led to the drama of the past few days to look back at the origin of our conflict and conduct in this war.

Biafra, once the eastern region of Nigeria, was one of three sovereignties that banded together to form the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Three of the reasons which made the sovereignties bind themselves together were:

1. Mutual protection of life and property - hence the fundamental human rights entrenched in our constitution and the arrangements made for the joint control of the police.

2. Security against external and internal threats -hence the responsibility of the central Government for defence.

3. The promotion of international trade and good relations with foreign countries - hence the assignment of exclusive responsibility to the central Government.

During the course of our first experiment in nationhood it was clear that the Federal Organization had neither the will nor the desire to maintain that unity of purpose for which the Federation was founded.

In 1966 it became clear that the central authority was unable and unwilling to fulfil the terms for which it was established.

Right under her nose the people of Eastern Nigeria, now Biafrans, were subjected to such acts of barbarism, such atrocities that gave clear indication of a genocide that was to come.

The people of Biafra, in full consultation and believing that the only guarantee for security lay in the resumption of the sovereignty, mandated me to proclaim their territory the sovereign and independent Republic of Biafra, and to take up arms if need be to protect the lives and property of our people and the independence was thus proclaimed.

On July 6, 1967, the Federal forces crossed the boundaries of Biafra and attacked her defenseless populace.

Our people, in the face of such aggression, had no alternative but to defend themselves as best they could. The war that ensued has continued from that day with unabated fury until today when we find that, because of certain limitations, we are no longer able to offer formal military resistance to the Nigerian aggressors.

For three years we have fought against overwhelming odds.

Our conduct of the war has contrasted sharply with that of the Nigerian hordes.

We were always aware of our limitation, and therefore have never discontinued out efforts for peace and a negotiated settlement.

We had relied on the conscience of the world to respect the rights of our people to self-determination and security. We have been frustrated by an international conspiracy against the interest of the African. Yet, believing in the justice of our cause and the ultimate triumph of truth over falsehood, outnumbered and outgunned, we have grimly held back the unrelenting enemy for three grueling years with our bare hands.

Nigeria began her recent final offensive against Biafra in October 1969 after months of preparations, which included the starvation of our entire populace to such sub-human level that the movement of enemy troops through our territory became a mere formality. For months we cried to an unsympathetic world, pointing out the danger of a total blockade and siege warfare at this stage of world civilization. In answer to that cry our people were further subjected to more deprivation by the drastic reduction of relief supplies, not only to the menfolk but to our women and children, to the aged and the very young, to the old and the infirm.

By the end of November the Biafra armed forces were no longer able to feed themselves; our civil populace were neither able to feed themselves nor the army. Yet over 30 months our gallant and heroic forces maintained their positions in the sheer hope of a miraculous respite. In the first week of January, the Nigerian forces, by a fast military move, took control of the last areas from where we had any possibility of obtaining food. In quick succession demoralization set in, threatening national disintegration and bringing in its wake confusion and mass exodus.

I gathered together at Owerri during the night of January 8, 1970, those members of my Cabinet who could be contacted to review the situation. At that meeting I presented in firm and clear terms the grim hopelessness of continued formal military resistance.

I informed the Cabinet that my primary duty in the circumstances was to seek the protection of our

exhausted people and to save the leadership of our heroic republic. I therefore offered to go out of Biafra myself in search of peace.

I decided personally to lead any delegation in order to give it maximum effect and to speed up matters in order to save the lives of our people and preserve the concept of Biafra.

I did this knowing that whilst I live Biafra lives.

If I am no more it would be only a matter of time for the noble concept to be swept into oblivion.

I chose for the delegation the following persons: Dr. M.I. Ọkpara, my political adviser; Mr. N.U. Akpan, my Chief Secretary; Major-general Madiebo, the commander of my army.

In the fluid and uncertain military circumstances the Cabinet considered it advisable and reasonable that families of envoys in or going abroad should be sent out.

My last hours in Biafra before my departure were spent in close consultation with Major-general Philip Effiong, whom I had appointed to administer the Government in my absence, and his last request to me was to take out his family and to maintain them under my protection, I agreed.

Since the departure of the delegation from Biafra, we have remained faithful to our mandate. We have made contacts with friends and men of goodwill. We have spared no efforts to mobilize all forces in an effort to take food into Biafra on a gigantic scale.

We have taken steps to alert the world to the real fears of genocide at the hands of the Nigerians.

Nigeria's continuing efforts have always been directed at domesticating the conflict in order to apply the final solution to the Biafran problem away from the glare of an inquisitive world.

From all indications it is clear that Nigeria will not feed our people. They have said so often enough, and their past records clearly underling this fact.

There is no food whatsoever in Biafra and unless food can get into Biafran mouths in the next 72 hours it will be too late.

Nigeria's insistence to control the distribution of relief is both to ensure that Biafrans get no such relief, and also to shut out outsiders who mightw witness and expose the enormous crimes she plans to commit against our people.

Nigeria throughout this war has distinguished herself for a lack of control over her armed forces. It is therefore most unlikely that, flushed with an intoxication of unexpected military victory, she will be able to exercise any measure of control on her forces now on the rampage.

In any case Nigeria's aim is to destroy the elite of Biafra. The only possible way of preventing such a catastrophe is by interposing between the contesting forces some neutral force to prevent a genocide that would make 1939-45 Europe a mere child's play. We have always believed in the futility of this war.

We have always maintained that this war will solve no problems. If this carnage must stop, Nigerian leaders and their friends must borrow a leaf from the lessons of the last world war, where it was found that a permanent settlement could only emerge from an honourable peace.

Immediate efforts should therefore be directed towards early negotiations for peace without exacting full tribute of conquest. Only in this way can peace which the whole world desires have any chance. I therefore appeal to all governments and international organizations, countries and churches of the world, men and women of goodwill, to both out friends and enemies, in the interest of humanity to come forward to assist and protect the lives and talents of Biafra, to relieve the starvation and wasteful death now the only companion of our exhausted people.

I implore the world to rise to this desperate need, to mount all possible pressures on Nigeria to ensure that food gets to my people.

I would like to conclude this statement with a solemn declaration, emphasizing again the point I have repeatedly made in this appeal to the governments of the world to save my people from extermination.

The sole motive behind Nigeria's determination to draw an iron curtain over Biafra and exclude international observers, relief agencies, journalists whom they have not carefully picked themselves, is to make sure that the atrocities they will certainly carry out in Biafra is unseen and unreported in the world press.

Once they have sealed off Biafra from the gaze of mankind, I hesitate to contemplate the fate of the Biafran leadership, the trained manpower, the scientists and professionals whom they would liquidate as planned before the world can interfere.

Genocide, I repeat, is not an internal affair of Nigeria, and it is the clear duty of those powers who have armed and helped Nigeria to gain victory over Biafra to step in and persuade Gowon to allow international agencies and observers to enter Biafra to feed the hungry, to heal the sick and to save a whole people from complete annihilation.

If they fail to persuade Nigeria to open her doors to these agencies then their declarations of humanitarian aid to Nigeria becomes mere propaganda.

I repeat the aims of Nigeria are genocidal - the test that the contrary is the case is her willingness to admit humanitarian agencies whom Gowon has now openly declared he will exclude.

As a people we have endured as only giants endure. We have fought as heroes fight. We have dared as only gods dare. We are disillusioned by the world's insensitivity to the plight of our people.

Yet because our cause is just we believe we have not lost the war, only that the battlefield has changed.

We are convinced that Biafra will survive.

Biafra was born out of the blood of innocents slaughtered in Nigeria during the pogroms of 1966. Biafra will ever live, not as a dream but as the crystallization of the cherished hopes of a people who see in the establishment of this territory a last hope for peace and security.

Biafra cannot be destroyed be meref forceof arms.

May I take this opportunity to thank all those persons and organizations that have sacrificed that we might live - that we assure them that their sacrifice will not be in vain.

Biafra lives. The struggle continues. Long live the Republic of Biafra.

Biafran Information agency in Geneva and reproduced by The Times,16 January 1970.

25/08/2022

Breaking News!!

Enoch Deekae Zuakar from Beeri community in Nyokhana Kingdom of Ogoniland breaks record and makes first class with Honours in Law from University of Hertfordshire, United Kingdom.

Details shortly...

24/08/2022

Meet the man who is brain behind establishment of Ikwerre as a separate ethnic from Igbo.

Obi Wali was born on 27 February 1932 in Rumuigbo) Town, headquarters of Apara Kingdom, in Obio Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State. His parents were Late Chief Frank Wali Otogbo and Late Mrs. Jane Wali Otogbo daughter of the famous Late Chief Ezebunwo Amadi wondugba, the then paramount ruler of Oroworukwo Rebisi in Port Harcourt Local Government Area of Rivers State. He had a younger sibling, Late Mrs Patience Waku Okabie Worgu.He was educated at the West African People's Institute, Calabar, followed by St. Augustine's Secondary School, Nkwerre. For his higher education he attended the University College Ibadan, where he specialized in literature. He then continued his studies in the United States, where he obtained a doctorate degree in literature.
Wali was one of the founding fathers of Rivers State in Nigeria and served as the first Commissioner for Education, as well as a member of the first executive council of the state. He was later elected as a member of the 1978 Constituent Assembly and also as a member of the Constitution Drafting Committee that drafted the 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He was elected as a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in the Second Republic and in 1980 he was elected the Minority Leader of the House of Senate, Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Wali fought for the creation of Port Harcourt from Rivers (bayelsa). After the civil war, the ijaws in the old Rivers took over from Igbos (ikwerre). They were marginalized and were not allowed to work in the oil refinery because they were Igbos.
Obi Wali with his political position helped formed the ikwerre ethnicity, because of the situation of igbo people in Nigeria then. Ikwerre was formed so the people can get jobs (Igbos were not employed or allowed to have bank accounts). Obi created Port Harcourt out of old Rivers (Bayelsa) for ikwerre because they were marginalized by the old Rivers government.

Wali was violently murdered and dismembered at home in his bedroom by suspected hired assassins on 26 April 1993. The reasons for the murder remain unestablished; however, many speculated that it was in connection with his political opinions.At the time of his murder, Wali was a respected Nigerian Senator of Rivers State.He was later buried on 24 February 1994. This was not long before the Nigerian state executed another minority rights activist, Ken Saro-Wiwa.

General Ibrahim Babangida (former Nigerian Military Head of State), Chief Rufus Ada George (former Governor of Rivers State), and Peter Odili (then Governor of Rivers State) among others were accused of complicity in Wali's murder in Port Harcourt. The case of Wali's murder was brought before a commission investigating human rights abuses, before which allegations of cover up were forwarded by the Ikwere Community and Wali's son, Ihumuo, along with his wife Nnenna.

23/08/2022

WHO SOLD NIGERIA TO THE BRITISH FOR £865K IN 1899?

This is the story of the first oil war, which was fought in the 19th century, in the area that became Nigeria.

All through the 19th century, palm oil was highly sought-after by the British, for use as an industrial lubricant for machinery. Remember that Britain was the world’s first industrialised nation, so they needed resources such as palm oil to maintain that.

Palm oil, of course, is a tropical plant, which is native to the Niger Delta. Malaysia’s dominance came a century later. By 1870, palm oil had replaced slaves as the main export of the Niger Delta, the area which was once known as the Slave Coast. At first, most of the trade in the oil palm was uncoordinated, with natives selling to those who gave them the best deals. Native chiefs such as former slave, Jaja of Opobo became immensely wealthy because of oil palm. With this wealth came influence.

However, among the Europeans, there was competition for who would get preferential access to the lucrative oil palm trade. In 1879, George Goldie formed the United African Company (UAC), which was modelled on the former East India Company. Goldie effectively took control of the Lower Niger River. By 1884, his company had 30 trading posts along the Lower Niger. This monopoly gave the British a strong hand against the French and Germans in the 1884 Berlin Conference. The British got the area that the UAC operated in, included in their sphere of influence after the Berlin Conference.

When the Brits got the terms they wanted from other Europeans, they began to deal with the African chiefs. Within two years of 1886, Goldie had signed treaties with tribal chiefs along the Benue and Niger Rivers whilst also penetrating inland. This move inland was against the spirit of verbal agreements that had been made to restrict the organisation’s activities to coastal regions.

By 1886, the company name changed to The National Africa Company and was granted a royal charter (incorporated). The charter authorised the company to administer the Niger Delta and all lands around the banks of the Benue and Niger Rivers. Soon after, the company was again renamed. The new name was Royal Niger Company, which survives, as Unilever, till this day.

To local chiefs, the Royal Niger Company negotiators had pledged free trade in the region. Behind, they entered private contracts on their terms. Because the (deceitful) private contracts were often written in English and signed by the local chiefs, the British government enforced them. So for example, Jaja of Opobo, when he tried to export palm oil on his own, was forced into exile for “obstructing commerce”. As an aside, Jaja was “forgiven” in 1891 and allowed to return home, but he died on the way back, poisoned with a cup of tea.

Seeing what happened to Jaja, some other native rulers began to look more closely at the deals they were getting from the Royal Nigeria Company. One of such kingdoms was Nembe, whose king, Koko Mingi VIII, ascended the throne in 1889 after being a Christian schoolteacher. Koko Mingi VIII, King Koko for short, like most rulers in the yard, was faced with the Royal Nigeria Company encroachment. He also resented the monopoly enjoyed by the Royal Nigeria Company and tried to seek out favourable trading terms, with particularly the Germans in Kamerun (Cameroon).

By 1894, the Royal Nigeria Company increasingly dictated whom the natives could trade with, and denied them direct access to their former markets. In late 1894, King Koko renounced Christianity and tried to form an alliance with Bonny and Okpoma against the Royal Nigeria Company to take back the trade. This is significant because while Okpoma joined up, Bonny refused. A harbinger of the successful “divide and rule” tactic.

On 29 January 1895, King Koko led an attack on the Royal Niger Company’s headquarters, which was in Akassa in today’s Bayelsa state. The pre-dawn raid had more than a thousand men involved. King Koko’s attack succeeded in capturing the base. Losing 40 of his men, King Koko captured 60 white men as hostages, as well as a lot of goods, ammunition and a Maxim gun. Koko then attempted to negotiate a release of the hostages in exchange for being allowed to chose his trading partners. The British refused to negotiate with Koko, and he had forty of the hostages killed. A British report claimed that the Nembe people ate them. On 20 February 1895, Britain’s Royal Navy, under Admiral Bedford attacked Brass and burned it to the ground. Many Nembe people died and smallpox finished off a lot of others.

By April 1895, business had returned to “normal”, normal being the conditions that the British wanted, and King Koko was on the run. Brass was fined £500 by the British, £62,494 (NGN29 million) in today’s money, and the looted weapons were returned as well as the surviving prisoners. After a British Parliamentary Commission sat, King Koko was offered terms of settlement by the British, which he rejected and disappeared. The British promptly declared him an outlaw and offered a reward of £200 (£26,000; NGN12 million today) for him. He committed su***de in exile in 1898.

About that time, another “recalcitrant King”, the Oba of Benin, was run out of town. The pacification of the Lower Niger was well and truly underway. The immediate effect of the Brass Oil War was that public opinion in Britain turned against the Royal Nigeria Company, so its charter was revoked in 1899. Following the revoking of its charter, the Royal Niger Company sold its holdings to the British government for £865,000 (£108 million today). That amount, £46,407,250 (NGN 50,386,455,032,400, at today’s exchange rate) was effectively the price Britain paid, to buy the territory which was to become known as Nigeria.

N.B: This post was originally published on May 19, 2014

22/08/2022

20/08/2022

LUCKY PHILIP DUBE
(3 August 1964 – 18 October 2007) was a South African 🇿🇦 reggae musician and Rastafarian considered to be one of the most important musicians in the history of African music and one of the greatest reggae musicians of all time.

✍️The South African born but globally revered reggae legend recorded 22 albums in Zulu, English, and Afrikaans in a 25-year period and was South Africa's biggest-selling reggae artist to date.

✍️The 43-year-old was shot dead in front of his children in a Johannesburg suburb on October 18 , 2007. Five men were arrested.

✍️He was raised by his mother, who named him Lucky because she considered his birth fortunate after a number of failed pregnancies.

20/08/2022

Let's promote made in Nigeria. Let the government promote our engineer to have more of these.

The technology that can drive the Nigerian economy, put less pressure on the local currency by reducing importation, and drastically increase our GDP, is already in Nigeria.

Strangely, the clueless leaders we have are not looking inwards. They are okay with massive importation of everything.

Woe unto the King who will not instill the discipline that will bring peace and prosperity in his kingdom.