Bawmzo Phun Rung Le-Vengtu Murui

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01/08/2023

KNF dîr mun hi zei asi rawh? an analytical article:

Thu masa: Dunglei zei mawzat hun chu KNF page timi mawh, Va te/Va pi kuki timi page lak ah, mi chelh le cham hen, vo hen, mi țhih hen an post mi atam tuk rawh le, mi â tla cha rîn chu sâng a tlâk lo ti nâk ruang ah kan sâng na lo le, mipi khawm lung fîang dauh na rih seh ti hen kan ngâk na mi chu asi. Tu lam chun mipi tla an lung fîang ta-tak kho lo rih khawmsele, hi hâwi mi lasui nih an lung afîang tir vima lai kan ti le, a rîn kan adawmh mi rawh. Kan rîn vima lai rawh. Au thu rîn leh au thu post; a dik hen a țha, arêl tu nih lairêl na seh.

Thil tum mumal lo: Thawsuak zalên nâk au zawng nih kan duh. KNF lam nih chun thawsuak zalên nâk ta-tak an duh mi hen alang lo. An ruitu sâng chem tla nih, mipi an ‘â’ tir na le, rû hâng a tliang lân ah Tangka sum cherkhet nei ta hen minei si ding hen duh nâk an nei hen alang hen afiang mi rawh. Zei tin hen a fiang kan sût dawmh lai: Hi lasui rêl tu tla nih hi cha hi nan rêl chun hawng sût u. An thil tum amumal lo zia nan theih vima ko lai. An mah hâwi hen Bâwmfa zaw zawng hi ‘â’ hep an ngaih le, a mâwl mi lam chu atam ngamsam khawmsele, mi lungfîm khawm an um bâk ti an theih loh. Mi lungfîm dauh tla kha, pâwl dang support ah an ngaih le, mêlma, thah na ding hep hen thu an zanh k*mza tâwn.

Murui harsat nâk maitawnh ding thu: Pâwl murui hi dirh asi phawt chun, abîk tak hen political party si chun, harsat nâk a pal ngelchel ding asi. Harsat nâk pal hun ah, pâwl nih a ti ding mi tla KNF lak ah alang lo, alang dah lai loh. Hi lasui rîn an rêl tik ah an ațang bâk chun hi lasui rîn hi alawh tling mi kan ti lai. Thil um tla leh um ding mi tla chu hi hâwi asi: Pâwl/murui member au tal damlo zâwtfah atawng kho. Hi damlo zâwtfah atawng hun ah a zohkhenh treatment nâk sum/tangka zawng chu pâwl nih mawh aphurh ding asi. Accident au tal nih (party member) a tawng kho, chu tik khawm ah an murui nih mawh aphurh ding asi. Chun, sorkar lak ah dik hen seh dik lo tak hen seh case (mamla) au tal nih a tawng kho. Chu tik khawm ah pâwl/murui nih case maitawnh nâk zareh zawng leh lawyer (Ukil) zareh leh ahâwl duan dân ding tla pâwl nih mawh a phurh ding asi.

Tu hin, KNF thil tih ruang ah, mi zei khawm pâwilo tla cherkhet chu September `22 thawk hen mi 15 ding nunâu pakhat tel hen; Rangamati Jail ah an tâng rawh le, a dang an tâng ding mi tla cherkhet tleih chia an um vima rih ti thawng theih asi. Chu case tla chu special act `74 k*m mi mang hen case an siam mi asi ti kan theih. Țha tak hen high court tla tiang tleng hen sualpi lo chun, hun sâwt pi jail ah tang ding mi case asi. A hun lo ah lawyer tleih hen tangka salam a vei lai. A hun tak ah ukil tleih ding karei pêk tu au a um. Division hotu p**i tla kha, court varenda ah an san ah veikhat khawm tleng dah lo mi tla nih hi case tla hi an deal kho awt mi ma? Ui sa aisîa taba hen suang mi ei cho an tumh mi tla nih hi hâwi mi case zei tin an deal awt? Ngaihtuah tham atling! Mi tâng tla dawngsung, au nih zoh hen mawh aphurh ding rawh?

Pâwl lak ah asung alêng minung aherh: Political pâwl lak ah minung zât tam ual mi tla tel a herh le, KNF ti mi pawl ni chun, a ‘â’ mi tla zât khat ko a nei hen a lang. Chu khawm chu, aisîa taba nam vang hen suang mi uisa ei cho an tumh mi hep fâwn. Abîk hen underground (mangtang) um mi pâwl lamchang chu, overground ah hun cherkhet issue tla theih fîang ding hen rian țuan ta ding mi asi. KNF chu overground ah rian țuan ta lo hen, mipi tla rang ah rû hâng hen an chiah na le, an lung fîang manh lân ah tangka poisa lâk re-reh ding an a nam khim le, ram an râwk hep. Tu ah case a maitawnh hen jail ah an tâng mi tla leh an tâng vima ding mi tla au nih a sanh na awt mi rawh? Pâwl dang leh murui dang tla chu mângtang an um mi tla leh overground um tu tla rian țuan ding an ațhen le, mailei hun sâupi kal ding strategy an siam, mailei an fûk. Chain of command an nei. KNF chu ngaksia lung fîang lo hep, an hotu lian chem tla khawm an ngaksia ual rih. An pâwl lak ah mi lung fîang, mi fing dauh tla leh politics lak ah an atel rawh mi au khawm an um lo, telh na ding kharua an duh lo, tangka an tawng nâk apûang chun, țhenh na ding le bang a suak lai an ti le, a thup hen an a thup. Tu ah an mah khawm hâwl hen tawng na ding silo rawh. A tek le athup nâk khawm an vai rawh liau asi.

KNF hi Bawm phun leh ram melma an si: Politics um dân zei khawm theih fîang lo hen, laichuk meithal hen sorkar kawrsen tla chu neh dep kah na hen, tharum hen ram tawng zek ding thu an sim le, mipi tla chu duh khawm duh lo khawm an trih na le, duh hâwi hep hen an lang le, sorkar kawrsen tla mit muh ah misual dir mun ah kan dir hep rawh. Kan k*t suak thil zuar ding leh kan thil herh tla bazar thawk hen chawk ding thu lak ah thliardang nâk kan amaitawnh rawh. Kan Bâwm phun pumpi nih economic dirmun sia kan a maitawnh rawh, Chu cho sim lo hen, kan mah kar lak ah kan social value a tlâu vei vima. Kan a zumh kho lo rawh. Lung duh thu pakhat le pakhat kan a ruah ngam lo rawh. Kan a zumhmaih hep. Zei ridek hi hâwi hun kan pal awt, asim ahar thlo. Kan pi-pu thlân ram khua , kan in mun, kan lo ram, kan dûm leh kan tisik an nah tlanh nâk ram kal tak hen, kan tek rawh. Kan mah duh leh kan mah remchâng hen țiau mi sele zei khawm a pawi lo kan ti chiau lai. “Camp kan kah awt, nan tuar kho lai loh, tek u” ti hen KNF tla nih an fuih na le, an tek tir na. Zangrah hen rânkhat kan minung tla chu Mizoram ah an lût kho le, khua 4/5 lak ah an țhen na. A rân 2 nâk le arân 3 nâk chu boarder vêng tu tla nih an hawng khirh na le, hamh tinkir tuar hen a dawngh nâk ah Pastor Sawmkhup chu buh ngei bu hen lam lailak lawh ah thih nâk a maitawnh rawh. Thungai arâpthlâk. Lampi kan siam ziar mi rawh an ti piak na mi tla chu awrawl hep ti a lang fîang rawh. Mipi nih tu khawm ah an theih fîang ver lo rih baa ti nâk kan nei.

Refugee status thu: Mi cherkhet Mizoram ah refugee hen mipi kan tek tir na kho chun kan KNF pâwl khawm, international support kan tawng kho lai ti nâk an nei le, India sorkar laipi ministry thawk hen an thusuah tla kan mipi mimâwl tla nih chun an theih phak lo da ngai ah, an zumh nget na ko hen alang ko rih, thungai a pawi. Cha thiamlo leh excess nei lo tla chu hi hâwi ding ko rawh silai. Unau, Sûlkhat suak fa sinâk ruang ah, Mizoram mipi, sorkar leh NGO cherkhet tla nih lungkham nâk hen râltlân tla rang ah an țangpi na mi chu thungai lawmh akâi mi asi. Kan theih ding pakhat chu humanitarian ground hen hi hâwi thil hi an ti mi asi.

Mizoram leh Burma ah Bâwmfa tla ngaihdân thu: Group dang dang lak ah KNF sanh hen Bangla chu kah sek ding huam hen cherkhet tla nih an cha rîn an post le, an duh nâk tla chu lawmhpi akai. Khawmsele, atak hi zei asi ti sût thiam aherh kan ti. Hi KNF hi aram sung ah Bâwm upa lungfiang murui, mi theihthiam tla ngaih nâk le support a um tak ma? Hi thu tla hi an sût phanh lo mawh; awrawl hen hep thu an thanh na ruang ah hi hâwi thinlung an put mi baa kan ti. Mizoram leh Burma ah Bâwmfa tla an um mi tla khawm hi Bangla thawk hen an țîau mi hep asi le, hun sâwtpi asi lo rih ruang ah, mimal leh afang deh hen kan atheih hep ko rih le! An fingh nâk le an theih nâk tla khawm kan tah kho ko kan ti.

Thil pakhat a example rang ah kan tarlang duh chu: hun sâwt chiam silo rih; Pu.Sanngam rui nâk hen, India sorkar lak ah intelligent murui wing pakhat tla nih Bangladesh ram nawk tir ding hen an fuih na mi an theih kho lo le, Sea Win ti hen pawl an dirh le, Cox`s Bazar tiang lâk zek hen ram zalên ding an ti le, hun cherkhet an mang. Chu murui tla lak khawm ah, mi thiam, mifing an tlâksam ruang ah, tam sâwt lo hen an vei hep. Chu pâwl lak ah um tu a dam rih mi tla khawm an um ngelchel lai rih. Chu tla ngaihdân theih kho sele, thu dang hen cha rîn ding a um lai rih kan ti. Bâwmfa tla lak ah, mithiam, mifing, mi nei leh mi thil tikho, sorkar lak ah officers, clerks men um lo hen ram khel hen zalên nâk tawng ding chuh, ‘thling azâ’ lo ma? Ngaihtuah nâk fim nei seng kho sele ațha lai baa!

Thu dawngh nak: KNF lukhai chem Nathan kha, mithiam mifing hen ngaih tu cherkhet an um kho. Dhaka University thawk hen Fine Art (Ruk tuah) subject hen a pass mi asi le, a lût awt liau ah, a qualify lo le, Hill Students Council (P*P) murui ruitu tla nih zângrâm hen an luh mi asi. Post graduate ding hen k*mpi k*m 10 nûn ah a suak kho cho mi asi. Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord nûn ah development agency UNDP leh Asian Development Bank tla lak job (rian țuan nâk) deih hen vei tam a interview le atawng kho lo, a qualify kho lo le, aneh nûn ah kawrsen tla țangpi nâk hen, pcjss tla do ding hen KNDO ti mi min put hen development organization a dirh le, phun le ram lak ah sim tlâk ding hen țhangso nâk (development) rian pakhat khawm a țuan mi muh ding a um loh. A nehnu nehpa ah, Khamul Kawrpa Jongi murui hen agreement an siam le, tangka cherkhet a tawng rawh chun, Ruma Nalnengva kap ah Lung in (building) asak. A tangka tawng nâk khawm tlangvâl lungfîang lo tla atarh na le, azuar na le in asak mi asi. An mah dâwngsung, a u le fa tla khawm hen; hi in sak ruang ah an anawk awt le, “nan mah chu Lung In nan sak, kan nih chu mângtang ah kan a hamh mi kan thi awt rawh” ti hen an a vo ti thu tla khawm theih asi. Chu rawh chun mawhsareh hen mângtang ah um sawm ding hen thu an thlûk le, KNDO thawk hen KNF ti min an vuah sawm le, tu hin an dirpi mi chu asi. Nathan hâwipa Vanchunglian chu pry. School mastaw asi. School kai lo hen hun cherkhet a mang le, kawrsen tla hen athup tlai nâk ruang ah lawh tla alâk vima mi asi.

Khawmsele, tu ah lam chun a lawh tla khawm an khâr rawh ti hen an sim. Primary sîn tir tu pakhat nih zei tiang politic thu a theih awt? Sût tu tla ni chun nan sût kho lai kan ti. Tu ah lam chun Mizoram ah an athup veve le, nikhat nikhat chu an athup châwk lai lo le, tleih an tawng ngelchel lai. Hawng zoh ziar na ko u rih.

01/07/2023

KNF pâwl nih Bâwmfa dîr mun arâwk sîat:

Thu masa: K*m zabi lenglo Bâwm ti hen kan phun min zei mun tal ah kan mang rawh mi chu, mifing thar tla an hawng suak chîam le, Bâwm timi min lawnh hen Kuki kan si ti hen athar hen phun min lêt an hawng atum, laikulh thawk hen kan phun min tlâu tir an atîm le, ni khawm sûn manh lo hen Bâwmfa tla nih disaster kan amaitawnh rawh. Kan a maitawnh mi thil tla khawm a sût dân leh a sim duan dân kan theih lo fâwn ruang ah, hi thu rîn hen Bâwmfa tla rang ah lungfiangnâk tablet hâwi tluk hen hi cha hi ka hawng rîn fâwn hi. Zângfahte hen hawng rêl ule, nan mah thinlung chiau ah hawng kil u.

Hi lasui rîn thu ruangah re-action um ding mi: Hi mipi lungfîangnâk thu rîn ruangah, KNF mifing ‘thoril khei kho’ tla nih cherkhet hen chelh-chamnâk dawhlo tak thumal mang hen an hûat zia thu an langh chiam awt ti theih ko bu hen, hi cha hi ka hawng rîn fâwn mi asi. KNF mifing an ati mi tla lam nih chun, zei liau khawmah thu dik, thu dawh leh thu ngâinûam thu tla an rîn hen Bâwmfa tla ngandamnâk, țhangsonâk leh kan economic țhangnâk thu an rîn hen tlângzanh ding an thiam awt lo ruang ah, kei mah nih hi article rîn hen mipi țhangh nâk thu hi ka hawng târ fâwn hi.

Thumal mang malrâ thu: Hi lasui lak ah thumal mang tla hi adawh chiamlo khawmsele, KNF tla rang ah khit zâu mi asi ruang ah, malrâ sut khawmsele, sûm nâk nei chiamlo hen thumal dawhlo tla mang asi hi. An hawng kan țih ko ti nâk nei hen, vûak ding, nakhaw lep ding, sunh ding, thah hen thi din ding ti thu tla tam ual an rîn hen an tlângzanh rawh ruang ah, âdêng lai rawh ti nâk nei hen; kan țih na lo zia leh, mipi lungfîanglo tla nih; thil sût dân an thiamlo le, an support thlo na mi hâwi hen an um pîak na ruang ah, an nâr sikhi apûar le, alâpûa hen an um ruang ah, sângnâk lasui tluk hen hi thu hi ka hawng post mi asi. Minung identity amûi-mûi azân-zân ah thleng hen, ram tawng ding, hi ram hi kan mah ram, kan luah masa-mi, kan pi-pu nih an luah masa mi, kan chu-za lo kar chu, phun dang tla nih an luah le, tu ah lam chun kan chu-za bâk rawh hen pi-pu ro thil phulam kan za bâk rawh ti hen, awl dek hen ram tawng ding lung umnâk neitu tla leh a thlawptu tla hi bang cho hen mi â an si ka ti. Kan munma sorkar document dik tak a um mi tla men chu, mi dang nih an luah hen an awp (dawkhawl) rawh chun, asuh ahar mi thu zei rang ah an theih lo ka ti.

Ramthar tawng ding lung um nâk: Unau le tla, mi â leh mi sum duh tla, perpet nâk lak ah ni zeizat leh k*m zei zat rêmrûam kan um awt? Laikulh aleh lai, țâm atlung lai, pulpi tlângrâi Covid-19 hâwi mi râi pi tla atlung lai, tukpi tla asuak lai, mi rêlchâwklo thihnâk a um lai, khawmsele KNF nih ram atawng lai loh. Khuavang hâwi hen ka sim ngam. Hi cha rîn rêltu zawng nih nan ngaihdân nan hawng sim a herh ka ti lo le, nan thinlung lak ah kil ziar ule, singsiah ko u. KNF mifing tla khawm nih ram nan tawng lo ding mi thu hi kil ziar bâk ko u. Katu, Laichuk meithal leh modern weapon tâwmte hen Sorkar kawrsen kah hen, hel murui 200 rual nih zei liau khawm ah ram an tawng dah loh. Zei history lak khawm ah muh ding a um loh. KNF mifing tla; hi thu hi hawng theih râu u.

Ram leh leadership kan thlâu dawmh rawh: KNF ti mi pâwl nih ram thar tawng ding ti hen underground ah movement an dawmh le, Bangladesh ah Bawmfa tla hun sâwtpi kan um bâk rawh mi tla nih, azei phun khawm kan neh na ta-tak kho lo. Kan mah phun ngâk an tâwm mi tla khawm an um bâk le, khawmsele, remlo nâk kan kar lakah a um dah lo. Kan mah thlai-thling hen tual ram kan luah nâk khawm a um loh. Mouza headmen Bawmfa murui nâwng ah mi 6 kan nei na bâk. Zei mouza leh zei ward leh Union lak ah Absolute majority kan si kho loh. Ruma upozila sung ah Remakri prangsha mouza lak ah kan minung lu tam chem kan um. Thu kan ngâi hen kan arual chun, chu Remakri Union Parishad cho ah Chairman pakhat kan tling kho tâwn. KNF mifing tla ruinâk ruangah, chu mi kan leadership position khawm awldek hen a thlâu kan adawmh awt rawh. Cheihkhiang, Salopi, Thingdawlte khua leh Sunsawng khua minung tla an tek ual rawh. Zei minung vote hen UP Chairman leh member tling ding mi rawh? Phun dang nih awldek hen kan leadership leh kan tophah an luah lai le, zungzal ram tleng tiang hen hi dirmun hi kan suh na kho lailo rawh ding mi hi nan theih ko lo ma KNF mifing tla!

Bawmfa tla economic a tla nîam rawh: Bâwmfa tla inlo khuasak tla arâwk rawh. K*m dang leh hun dang chun, January thla a hawng tling rawh chun; Lo halh lovat kan adawmh tâwn mi, KNF murui ramthar tawng ding ngâk ruangah dek maw, tu k*m 2023 chu lo halh lovat thu a lênglo rawh. Ramthar boruak kan khimpang silai. K*m dang chun, Aithing kan chawh le, achi rua kan siah. Kan zûar le, fûrtik rang Fertilizer (Sar, angomi, adum leh asen mi) kan a vâukân le kan chawk tâwn mi, tuk*m chu au khawm nih, Fachi rua, Aithing chi leh Sar turpâng châwktu kan um lo rawh. K*mvei ah zei dek kan ei awt? Kan vulh zuat tla khawm aman tâwk hen kan zuar kholo rawh. Zei kan ti awt mi rawh? Kan sung avâng lai le, afîrnâk ding khawm kan nei lai lo, damarah khawm kan suak kho awtlo fâwn. ‘Thethe’ hâwi hen thli hâp hen kan dam kho awt dek maw? Silo leh Vate Kuki ti mi tla nih dek maw hawng kan khim tir awt!

Thu tlâng kâwm: Ui nih Zâwng khangpa seh ding a duh khawmsele, thing akai kholo le, tual thawk hen a bauh, San anei loh. Chu hâwi hen zei liau khawm neh kho lo le phâk kholo mi rang ah; Ui nih Zâwng a auh le a bauh mi hâwi hen auh lemang lo hen, Remakri Prangsha UP chairmanship KNF thil ti ruangah kan thlâu ding mi, UP ward a vei ding mi, Sungvâng râwțâm hen kan um ding mi tla dawn hen, san leh za hen tawnglo ding mi ram lung um awrawl thu sim bâng hen phun tung nawlh ding lam ngaihtuah adawmh sele, adik hen ațha awt lo ma? KNF thilti ruangah, mawh nâk neilo mi cherkhet, Rangamati Jail ah an tâng mi tla suah na ding kângnung lam hâwl sele kan ngandam hen kan zâng dauh lai baa! Jail tâng tla, suah na ding mawhphurh nâk KNF nih an phatsan kho awt ma? Hi thu hi mailei ah kan tlângzanh vima lai.

01/07/2023

Tuhun Bawm Raltlan/ralzam thu-ah Thil muhsuak asi dan

Ralzam/raltlan (refugee) tih murka lakah suaktir sim men hi ka a za sur tawn mi thumal pakhat asi. Nungnak choh dawn leh ngaihtuah hen inlo thilri leh unau rualsia tefa tla mak thlap hen tek leh zam hi laikulh vanduainak rapthlaktak nunngnak chu um ko tung hen thi tunglo thlan khursungah lut hen a bang cho mi ti sele sim sual siding ngaih a kai loh.

Hi hawi dirmun pal ding hi zei minung nih khawm a duh bik hen a thlang ding lungum a kai. Hi hawi asi chun kan mipi nih hi lampi zei rangah an thlang hen an tekzam hen mi ram leh mi lo ah um leh lut ding an tumnak san hi mi tamtak ram sung leh ram leng um mi tla nih fiangfaitak hen an theih phak ma? Chun, thih leh dam karah hi hawi ralzam/raltlan tla tlunah Mizoram state sorkar leh India central sorkar zei policy nei hen iknak leh khamnak tla hi asantak zei asi? Chun, Dawrapu luntak Pastor Sawmkhup Bawm hi MNF tla kan ram an um liau tla ah Bawm lakah chun an mi zumhchem an mi dawt chem asi hen MNF tla "Peace Accord" an nei nunah an tlung lante khawmah an chabu tha tla zawng khawm hi Pastor k*t an pek hen an ap mi asi. Tusunni mi tamtak nih MNF sorkar rangah mawhtir thu tla simnak leh phuangnak a lang mi asantak zei me asi?

Hi hawi raltlan/ralzam tla tek leh zamnak tla hi kan unau Mizoram, Chin Hill leh Kuki ram tla nih support tawng kho ding duhnak dawn leh ngaihtuah hen thih leh lauhnak aw-ka thalo dangdang mang hen an nungnak sanhim ding ruangah a sunzan theihlo hen mi ram mi lo ah tek ding a suak. Kan dungleiah Arakan Army (AA) tla hen minute 10 choh kah mi lo chun sorkar taktak hen chun kahnak hi a um hen theihnak leh muhnak a umlo rih. Hi hawi asi chun au tla nih thih leh lauh hen nawr leh khalh hen mipi tekzam hen an um mi ne??????????? Sangnak hi nanmah nih chiau dawnnak leh ngaihtuah hawng nei ule. Murui rangah chun pharsen vawi hawi hen pawl, central sorkar, state sorkar leh mikip nih an iknak leh an thlawplonak ruangah hi hawi mipi ralzam/raltlan tla umnak nih murui thlawpnak tawng kho ding lungum hen hi hawi ralzam/raltlan um ding hen ngaihtuahtu leh duhtu thiltum a langnak asi. Tusunni kan Dawrapu lun Pastor Sawmkhup Bawm nih ngaktah leh riangvaitak hen thihnak tla khawm hi zei murui tla chu an a lawm hen an thiltum a puitling vima lei an ngaih, asan chu hi hawi kan mipi tla tekzamnak leh Pastor thih lauhnak ruangah kan unau nahthlak khat Mizo, Kuki leh Lai tla nih murui rangah hawng kan support a tha vima tihen lampi tha hawng kan sial piak tihen an ngaih. Ruangah milungfiang tla mit leh na nih theih mi choh silo hen thinlung ngaihtuahnak thuktak hen dawn hun leh ngaihtuah hun diktak chu theih parual a ngai.

Zei rangah State Sorkar leh Central Sorkar tla nih hi hawi hen thi leh dam karah tekzam hen an um mi ralzam/raltlan tla lungkhamlo tak hen an dang na hen an kir let na nak hi asan chem chu laikulh nih a tih hen hlauawm chem hen a ngaih mi murui Islamic Terrorist (Jonggi) tla hen chawmpawlhnak ruang chem asi. Chin Hill thawk hen ralzam/raltlan tla rangah hi hawi an khirh let na lo teh? Tusunni ah kan chawm kan lawm na mi MNF sorkar nih hawng kan thlawp hen hawng kan zoh loh tihen mi tantak nih MNF sorkar tlunah lungawilo nak thu-ah chipchiarnak tla a um hen a lang, chu asan, ruaka leh a nganfaktak kha a mi zei zat nih a theih phak?????? Asan leh a ruaka leh a nganfak iknak leh thlawplonak san chem chu laikulh nih a thlawplo mi leh a hua leh a tih chem mi Islamic Terrorist (Jonggi) hen chawmhpawlh mi phun leh murui hen ngaihnak ruang chem asi.

Tusunni ah Dawrapu lun Pastor Sawmkhup Bawm thih leh hlauhna hi unau-rualsia leh milungfiang tla chu lungfak leh ngaihsiatnak tuar kholo um khawmsele, mi thenkhat leh murui khat nih hi thihnak leh vanduainak khawm hi lampi tha hawng ka sial piak leh kan Mizo unau tla nih hawng kan zangfahnak leh hawng kan thlawpnak diktak asi a lawmtu cherkhet kan um si.

Mailei Bawm phun ngaktah hi kan mailei zei dirmun kan um ti mi hi mi pazat nih a dawn hen a ngaihtuah aw? Maihthal leh uniform put leh a ruk hen tha thawk leh lungleng pala hen mailei thil chawnh leh thlir phaklo hen zei vial phun nih a tuar vima awt rih sim kho si loh. Hi thu ah a dawmhnak leh a dawnghnak thil um ding mi theihtu tla milungfiang mithiam mifing nan advice tha phun nih a herh hen a tul chem mi hun chu asi.

*Scheduled Tribe rights and Manipur: Whose ‘rights’ is it anyway?*by Sangmuan Hangsing and Mung NeihsialJanuary 5, 2023W...
01/07/2023

*Scheduled Tribe rights and Manipur: Whose ‘rights’ is it anyway?*

by Sangmuan Hangsing and Mung Neihsial
January 5, 2023

We are not here to argue who is a Schedule Tribe, for there are people with far more knowledge who are tasked with such arduous responsibilities. We simply wish to underscore the plausible impact on the status quo if Schedule Tribe (ST) recognition is being granted to a dominant community of a state by negating the socio-economic and political rights of the state’s ethnic minority.

And yes, we are talking about Manipur, home to the Himalayan hill and valley, sharing an international boundary with Myanmar and state borders with Nagaland, Mizoram, and Assam. More importantly, we are talking about the claim of Meiteis.

Based on the Census of India 2011, Manipur has a population of 28,55,794. The native Meiteis/Meeteis, constitutionally known as Manipuri, has a population of 17,61,079, of which 15,22,132 are from Manipur, forming a dominant community. Among the 34 native STs of Manipur, Mao has 2,24,361 native speakers, constituting the largest tribal community of Manipur. Statistically, the largest ST community in the state, constitutes only 14.7% of the dominant community. Surprisingly, the Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee Manipur (STDCM) is a committee from the dominant community to mobilize the demand for the Meitei/Manipuri inclusion under the Scheduled Tribe list of the Constitution.

Hill-valley divide
The post-colonial Government of India, through its constitutional arrangement and its policy on affirmative action, categorised the underrepresented and historically disadvantaged communities into Scheduled Tribe(ST), Scheduled Caste(SC), and Other Backward Class (OBC) to uplift their status and put them at par with the rest of India.

In 1947, the Maharaja of Manipur enacted two separate major laws for the administration of Manipur Hill and Valley, namely- a) Manipur State Constitution Act, 1947 and b) Manipur State Hill (Administration) Regulation, 1947. The two enactments demarcated the hill and valley administration; this arrangement continued even after Manipur joined the Union of India.

When Manipur was still a Union Territory of India, the governing body in the hills was known as the Standing Committee (Section 52, Government of Union Territories Act, 1963). After Manipur obtained statehood, it became known as the Hill Areas Committee by virtue of Article 371C, Constitution of India and Hill Area Committee Order 1972. These committee(s) aim to safeguard the interest of the Scheduled Tribes (ST) of Manipur. The Hill Areas Committee functions as the contemporary Laxman Rekha in the Assembly for the Scheduled Tribes to provide a Constitutional safeguard against other communities in Manipur.

A decade-long discourse on the need for Schedule Tribe recognition from the dominant community in Manipur’s valley rings the idea of recognition of Meitei Schedule Tribe demand which will result in integrating Manipur’s hills & plain. The movement is being spearheaded by the Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee (ref. STDCM Memo to Shri Gurbachan Jagat). The idea suggested in the memorandum, encapsulated by the slogan chingmi tammi amatani, that of integrating the Hills and Plain is not a novel concept. It has been a recurring issue plagued by the motif of political mileage devoid of genuine sentimental motivation.

Keishamthong AC MLA Nishikant Singh Sapam, as a show of support for the STDCM’s political endeavour, openly stated that limiting the Meetei/Meitei populace to settle in only about 10 per cent of the total geographical area of Manipur is not fair. Yambem Laba, the committee’s chairman and former head of the Manipur Human Rights Commission, also said: “The ST status would go a long way toward protecting the Meiteis’ land, which is currently confined to 8% of Manipur’s geographical areas…”.

Many notable organisations and eminent persons have also shown support for the STDCM’s ideals, albeit in their capacity of arguing the cause as attached to the geographical land. This brings into question whether the idea of integrating the hills and plain spearheaded by the STDCM will come at the expense of exploiting the hill lands as the idea revolves around the discourse that the Meitei community is being confined only in the area of the valley.

In the hills, the mobilisation in the valley is viewed as a scheme to moderate the ardent political demands of the tribals and a covert move by the dominant population to grow into the State’s hill regions. Unsurprisingly, as reported on November 27, 2020, the Kangleipak Kanba Lup (KKL) submitted a memorandum to the Chief Minister of Manipur stating, “We are positive that the territorial boundary of Manipur will remain unchanged… however, we are sure that the Nagas of Manipur, as well as the Kukis, will be benefiting in terms of getting autonomous administrative setups under the 6th Schedule of the Constitution of India… It is here the Chief Minister needs to keep the interest of the Meiteis in mind before saying a final yes to the final deal… It is our demand that the Government of Manipur should immediately consider recommending the inclusion of the Meiteis as a Scheduled Tribe and place it before the Central Government…”

The pursuit of mobilisation along the lines of ethnic identity has proved to be a powerful tool in engaging the dominant community in its political discourse. This has largely strained Manipur’s political climate. Organisations like the All Tribal Students’ Union of Manipur, representing the tribal communities in the State have openly opposed Meiteis receiving the ST designation. A union leader remarked that this would “defeat the very purpose of protecting the tribal people through the reservation.”

Even in the valley, the discourse appears not to have been a consensus as many have opposed the demand for ST status. Rajk*mar Meghen, a former leader of the extremist United National Liberation Front (UNLF) feels the status would undo the rich martial history of the community. There are also accounts of Meitei Brahmins rejecting the idea of ST recognition as reported by The Hindu in February 2022

Status Quo
Undoubtedly, the inclusion of the Meiteis/Meetei will have a bearing impact on the status quo of various Constitutional provisions, acts, and Orders of the parliament and the State that safeguard and protect indigenous tribal rights. A brief review of a few instances is provided below:

i. Article 371C of the Constitution of India:

The statement of Objects and Reasons of the XXVIIth Constitutional Amendment that introduced Article 371C states explicitly, ‘Hill Areas of Manipur are predominantly inhabited by members of Scheduled Tribes. To safeguard their interests… it is proposed… to continue this arrangement even after Manipur becomes a State. So, a specific provision is being made in the Constitution for the formation of such a Committee.’

This statement expresses explicitly that the present tribal needs protection from being assimilated without hampering their integration with the rest of India. In view of the current Manipur Political climate, if the dominant community is granted a Scheduled Tribe recognition, the Constitutional provision that safeguards the interest of the present scheduled tribes can be rendered void and null. The term ‘Scheduled Tribe’ in its statements of objects and reason would include a community against whom such safeguard is made.

ii. Manipur Hill Areas Committee Order 1972:

The Presidential Order or the Manipur Hill Areas Committee Order, 1972, results from Article 371C of the Constitution of India. This order, by virtue of Article 371C, empowered the tribal Legislative Assembly members(19/20 members) as a Committee to protect and safeguard the interest of the tribal (Hill) areas against any State legislation and executive action, specifically those introduced by the dominant community legislatures.

iii. Manipur Land Reforms and Land Revenue Act, 1960:

Section 158 of the MLR and LR Act provides special provisions regarding Scheduled Tribes. This provision safeguards the transfer of tribal land to non-tribals with the intended purpose of preserving the tribal customs and their land holdings system. This provision does not mitigate alienating the purchasing rights of indigenous communities other than the tribal communities; it only lays down a double procedure that will prevent the tribal from being alienated from their lands. It seeks the Deputy Commissioner’s permission and the District Council’s consent.

iv. Manipur (Village Authorities in Hill Areas) Act, 1956:

The parliamentary Act or the Manipur (Village Authorities in Hills Areas) Act, 1956, intended to safeguard and protect the tribal Chief institution; it also provides a scheme for the active participation of the tribal villager in the democratic election of the village authority (VA). The letter protects and preserves the present tribal culture, tradition, and customs. However, it brings to question whether the dominant community residing in the hills will have the right to be elected as village chief (VA) in the event that they are accorded the ST recognition.

v. The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971:

The parliamentary Act or the District Act of 1971 is an Act to establish District Councils in the Hill Areas of Manipur. The District Council modelled on the lesser framework of the 6th Schedule of the Constitution is a grassroots democratic government formed by tribal elected members from the Hills. These council seats are reserved for the tribal. Thus positing again the question of whether the dominant community residing in the hills will have the right to be elected as a member of the district council in the event that they are accorded the ST recognition. In addition, it also raises doubts about whether the 19 (ST) reserved Assembly Constituency seats and the Outer Manipur parliamentary seats remain reserved for the present scheduled tribes.

The recognition of the dominant community as a Scheduled Tribe has the potential to bring changes in the status quo in matters related to the above provisions. One might also raise the question: Whose rights will it impact if the demand for Scheduled Tribe recognition is granted? Whose tribal rights do the existing constitutional provision, Act, Order, etc protect? And for what reasons and purposes?

The recent memorandum of STDCM to NCST (National Commission for Scheduled Tribes) on 22nd December 2022 emphasises the lack of constitutional protection for the Meitei/Meetei. Ironically, the Meiteilon constitutionally called the Manipuri language is accorded the VIII Schedule protection of the Constitution. Moreover, the community constituting more than half of the State population has a strength of 40 legislatures out of the 60 total legislatures in the Assembly. The legislature is an essential organ of the State that is empowered to execute any legislation or any protection mechanism within the framework of the Constitution. Any matters relating to land protection, preserving the Meitei indigenous custom of marriage, divorce, succession/inheritance, and others are within the framework of Schedule VII ( State List & Concurrent List) of the Constitution that can be easily legislated and passed by the 40 legislature from the Valley without needing the support of a total absolute vote from the hills. If matters/legislation relating only to the Valley are introduced at the Assembly, referring such matters/legislation to the Hill Areas Committee is not a sine qua non (essential condition) for the Assembly.

In addition, the discourse that rings the idea of integration and preventing the community from being confined to the valley may perhaps align with the interests of a select group of (capitalist) elites in the Valley whose interest is to expand their influence and establishment in the Hill Areas. Pursuing the ST recognition would, therefore, be the best modus operandi in changing the current status quo, considering the embargo limited by the tribal land protection provision in the MLR & LR Act, 1960. The ST recognition would automatically bypass this embargo as the word ‘tribal’ also includes the dominant community. The plausible equation would eventually lead to the elites flexing their influence and establishment possibility vitiating the interest of the landless, economically and politically weak tribal individual.

It is an unarguable fact that not all people have the economic means to own individual private land. Such is the case with the indigenous tribe not owning private property(land) in the Hills. For instance, as per an RTI provided by the Sub-Divisional Officer, Churachandpur, on 29th August 2022- there are 22, 758 registered land owners in the Churachandpur sub-division against the total 1 74, 138 population. The data suggest that about 1.5 lakh population of the sub-division are landless. If tribal ancestral lands with their unique land-holding system in the hills are to be converted to individual land for the valley native as well, priority must be given to an individual from the same community who shares a historical, emotional, and cultural attachment to the lands, while preventing the risk of alienation from their land. Though Article 19 (1) (e) of the Constitution allows one to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India; it is undeniable and, one knows for a fact that with the implementation of the Inner Line Permit(ILP) system in Manipur, the article is only limited.

The implementation of the Inner Line Permit system to control illegal migrants in the State appears to have been not helpful, as the fear narrative of the dominant community becoming a minority in the State persists. The solutions might not necessarily lie in securing the status of a Scheduled Tribe as an influx of immigrants is not NIL in the neighbouring tribal State(s). It will primarily depend on the calibre of the state legislative member and its parliamentarian in introducing legislation that will meet the contemporary needs of the state.

On and on, scheduled tribe recognition is postulated as a sine quo non for land and indigenous protection. From a vantage point, a scheduled tribe’s land and indigeneity are constitutionally protected to some extent. This is not because such a community is vocal in exercising its constitutional freedom of speech and expression, but rather because such a community is an underrepresented member of society and is socio-economically weak.

The discourse mentioned earlier that emphasises the inability to own land in the hills also fails to consider the number of Meitei Leikai (locality) already in existence in the hill areas and the land-holding system of the indigenous tribal. If the discourses are taken at face value, the existing Leikai (s) in the hills would be an illegal settlement, as the discourses impliedly state Meetei/Meitei are not allowed to settle in 90% of Manipur’s geographical area.

If a provision made to safeguard the present scheduled tribes are being made ineffective with an additional Scheduled Tribe recognition, whose rights is it anyway that the provision safeguards against

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