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HONGERA BWANA MBOWEWatu wengi walikuwa wanafikiria na kudhani kuwa wewe ni mbinafsi, mchoyo, mbaguzi na mpenda madaraka....
15/02/2025

HONGERA BWANA MBOWE

Watu wengi walikuwa wanafikiria na kudhani kuwa wewe ni mbinafsi, mchoyo, mbaguzi na mpenda madaraka. Watu wengi walikuwa wanafikiria kuwa wewe ni mkabila, na mchaga unayependelea watu wa kwenu tu, lakini watu wengi walidhaninl kuwa chama Cha Demokrasia na maendeleo ni chama Cha wachaga.

Kukubali kwako kushindwa umefanya jambo kubwa sana katika siasa ya chama Cha Chadema, kwa miaka yote uliyoshinda na kuwa mwenyekiti, umeprove kuwa ilikuwa ushindi wa kisiasa na ulichaguliwa na wanachama. Sidhani k**a atatokea mtu na kusema chama Cha Chadema ni chama Cha wachaga.

Yawezekana umeumia kushindwa kwa uchaguzi lakini kushindwa kwako kumebadilisha dhana mama ya wapinzani kuhusu wewe na chama.

Naamini Lisu atakiongoza chama nakuendeleza Demokrasia bila ya magomvi ndani ya chama, uwepo wowote wa mpasuko ndani ya chama kutapelekea kudhania ni hujuma za wachaga kwa Lisu shik**ananeni na kukiongoza chama kuelekea uchaguzi mkuu na mtaweza kushinda kwa kishindo na mkarudi bungeni wananchi tukafaidika na mabadiliko yenye tija.

Asanteni na Hongera sana Bwana MBOWE.

Ndimu : Dhannuni Mkwama

02/01/2025
حصاد الليل من 12 لا 11 صباحآقناة المنار - Al Manar TV:🔴 عاجل | رويترز نقلا عن مكتب التحقيقات الفيدرالي الأميركي: العثور ...
02/01/2025

حصاد الليل من 12 لا 11 صباحآ

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a century of resentmentReaching its centenary amidst a general chorus of vilification around the region, the legacy of t...
06/12/2024

a century of resentment

Reaching its centenary amidst a general chorus of vilification around the region, the legacy of the secret Sykes-Picot agreement of 1916 has never looked more under assault.

As Iraq lurches deeper into turmoil and disintegration, Kurdish leaders in the already autonomous north are threatening to break away and declare outright independence.

And the militants of the self-styled Islamic State (IS), bulldozing the border between Iraq and Syria in June 2014, declared their intention to eradicate all the region's frontiers and lay Sykes-Picot to rest forever.

Whatever the fate of IS, the future as unitary states of both Syria and Iraq - central to the Sykes-Picot project - is up in the air.

Screengrab of video posted online by IS purportedly showing militants bulldozing the border between Syria and Iraq (2014)
Image source,IS
Image caption,
IS released a video in June 2014 of militants bulldozing berms on the Syria-Iraq border

In fact, virtually none of the Middle East's present-day frontiers were actually delineated in the document concluded on 16 May 1916 by British and French diplomats Mark Sykes and Francois Georges-Picot.

The Iraq-Syria border post histrionically erased by IS was probably several hundred kilometres from the famous "line in the sand" drawn by Sykes and Picot, which ran almost directly from the Persian border in the north-east, down between Mosul and Kirkuk and across the desert towards the Mediterranean, veering northwards to loop around the top end of Palestine.

Read more:
Sykes-Picot marked with bitterness and regret by Arab media

Aiming to change the outcome of World War One

The region's current borders emerged from a long and complex process of treaties, conferences, deals and conflicts that followed the break-up of the Ottoman Empire and the end of World War One.

But the spirit of Sykes-Picot, dominated by the interests and ruthless ambitions of the two main competing colonial powers, prevailed during that process and through the coming decades, to the Suez crisis of 1956 and even beyond.

Kurdish hour?
Because it inaugurated that era, and epitomised the concept of clandestine colonial carve-ups, Sykes-Picot has become the label for the whole era in which outside powers imposed their will, drew borders and installed client local leaderships, playing divide-and-rule with the "natives", and beggar-my-neighbour with their colonial rivals

The resulting order inherited by the Middle East of the day sees a variety of states whose borders were generally drawn with little regard for ethnic, tribal, religious or linguistic considerations.

Often a patchwork of minorities, there is a natural tendency for such countries to fall apart unless held together by the iron grip of a strongman or a powerful central government.

The irony is that the two most potent forces explicitly assailing the Sykes-Picot legacy are at each other's throats: the militants of IS, and the Kurds in the north of both Iraq and Syria.

In both countries, the Kurds have proven the Western coalition's most effective allies in combating IS, although the two sides share a determination to redraw the map.

"It's not just me that's saying it, the fact is that Sykes-Picot has failed, it's over," said the president of Iraq's autonomous Kurdistan Region, Massoud Barzani, in a BBC interview.

"There has to be a new formula for the region. I'm very optimistic that within this new formula, the Kurds will achieve their historic demand and right [to independence]".

Massoud Barzani speaks at a news conference in Irbil (17 March 2016)
Image source,Reuters
Image caption,
Massoud Barzani believes Kurds will eventually obtain a permanent nation state

"We have passed through bitter experiences since the formation of the Iraqi state after World War One. We tried to preserve the unity of Iraq, but we are not responsible for its fragmentation - it's the others who broke it up.

"We don't want to be part of the chaos and problems which surround Iraq from all sides."

Entity with borders
President Barzani said the drive for independence was very serious, and that preparations were going ahead "full steam".

He said the first step should be "serious negotiations" with the central government in Baghdad to reach an understanding and a solution, towards what Kurdish leaders are optimistically calling an "amicable separation".

If that did not produce results, he said, the Kurds should go ahead unilaterally with a referendum on independence

Kurds have declared the establishment of a federal system in areas they control in Syria

"It's a necessary step, because all the previous attempts and experiments failed. If current conditions aren't helpful for independence, there are no circumstances which favour not demanding this right."

Iraq's Kurds are landlocked and surrounded by neighbours - Syria, Turkey, Iran and Iraq itself - which have traditionally quashed Kurdish aspirations.

Under threat from IS, they are more dependent than ever on Western powers which are also strongly counselling them to stick with Iraq.

But whether or not the Iraqi Kurds achieve full formal independence in the near future, they have already established an entity with borders, a flag, international airports, a parliament and government, and its own security forces - everything except a passport and their own currency.

To that extent, they have already redrawn the map. And next door in northern Syria, their fellow Kurds are essentially doing the same, controlling and running large swathes of land along the Turkish border under the title of "self-administration".

Redrawing the future
As for IS, its territorial gains have already peaked. But the chaos in both Iraq and Syria that allowed it to take root have yet to run their course - the alienation of Iraq's Sunni Arab minority (and the Kurds), and Syria's

The unspoken struggle is over whether formulas can be found for different communities to live together within the borders bequeathed by 20th Century history, or whether new frontiers will have to be drawn to accommodate those peoples - however that concept is defined.

"Sykes-Picot is finished, that's for sure, but everything is now up in the air, and it will be a long time before it becomes clear what the result will be," said the veteran Lebanese Druze leader Walid Jumblatt.

The Sykes-Picot agreement conflicted directly with pledges of freedom given by the British to the Arabs in exchange for their support against the collapsing Ottomans.

It also collided with the vision of the US President Woodrow Wilson, who preached self-determination for the peoples subjugated by the Ottoman Empire.

His foreign policy adviser Edward House was later informed of the agreement by UK Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour, who 18 months on was to put his name to a declaration which was to have an even more fateful impact on the region.

House wrote: "It is all bad and I told Balfour so. They are making it a breeding place for future war."

By Jim Muir.
BBC News, Irbil

A century on: Why Arabs resent Sykes-PicotThe borders of the Middle East were drawn during World War I by a Briton, Mark...
06/12/2024

A century on: Why Arabs resent Sykes-Picot
The borders of the Middle East were drawn during World War I by a Briton, Mark Sykes, and a Frenchman, Francois Picot.

The two diplomats' pencils divided the map of one of the most volatile regions in the world into states that cut through ethnic and religious communities.

Later dubbed the Sykes-Picot treaty, the secret agreement was signed by Paris and London on May 16, 1916, to become the basis on which the Levant region was shaped for years to come.

A century on, the Middle East continues to bear the consequences of the treaty, and many Arabs across the region continue to blame the subsequent violence in the Middle East, from the occupation of Palestine to the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), on the Sykes-Picot treaty.

In this piece, we revisit the circumstances that led to the signing of this critical agreement and the events that unfolded afterwards.

Ottoman Arab provinces

The Ottoman Empire (1516-1924), in the last few decades before its collapse, lost control over many of its territories to the growing powers of colonial countries. France took control of Algeria (1830) and Tunisia (1881), Italy took over Libya (1911), while Britain gained control of Aden protectorate (1939), Oman (1861), Arabian Gulf chiefdoms (1820) and Kuwait (1899).

On the other hand, Muhammad Ali, a powerful Ottoman leader, unilaterally ruled Egypt, and his sons succeeded him, until the country fell into British custody in 1882. Sudan fell under British control in 1899.

Meanwhile, according to Iraqi historian Sayyar al Jamil, the Ottomans’ strongholds in the Levant and Iraq, during the empire’s latter years, included the provinces of Damascus, Aleppo, Raqqa, Basra and Baghdad.

Ottoman empire 1914

As World War I erupted in July 1914, the weakening Ottoman Empire allied with Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire to confront Britain and France.

It was then that the political regimes and the region’s maps began to transform.

The men responsible

Mark Sykes (1879-1919)

Sykes was an English political adviser, diplomat, politician, military man and traveller. He represented his country in secret talks with France and Russia to partition the territories of the Ottoman Empire in the Arab Orient and Anatolia.

Sykes signed what became known as the Sykes-Picot agreement. Some sources said that the diplomat had also played a significant role in the drafting of the “Balfour Declaration”.

Sykes, who was born into a wealthy family, published a number of books while still in his twenties. His work included two books on military science and three on the Ottoman Empire and Islamic countries that tackled the region’s political geography and contained Sykes’ own observations during his travels in the Levant and Anatolia.

In 1915, upon Sykes’ recommendation, the Arab Bureau was established. The entity served as a British intelligence bureau in Egypt and was tasked with controlling the political activities in the Near East. It is believed to have revived the old names of Ottoman-administered regions, such as “Palestine”, “Syria” and “Iraq”.

Sykes died of the Spanish flu pandemic in 1919 in Paris where he was attending a peace conference. It was only three years after the signing of the deal he pioneered. He never got to see how the maps he drew materialised on the ground and changed the face of the Middle East for years to come.

Francois Georges-Picot (1870-1951)

Picot was a French diplomat and the son of historian Georges Picot. He negotiated the secret Sykes-Picot agreement with Sykes. Picot had worked at the Court of Appeal in Paris for two years before joining the diplomatic circuit in 1896.

Picot served as secretary to the Ambassador in Copenhagen before being appointed as Consul-General in Beirut shortly before World War I.

In Beirut, Picot established strong relationships with the Maronite Christian leaders, then moved to Cairo before heading back to Paris in the spring of 1915.

As a member of the French Colonial Party, he defended Arab orientalists who supported the French mandate in their own countries. Between 1917 and 1919, Picot held the position of a high commissioner in Palestine and Syria, and, in that capacity, recommended the deployment of 20,000 French soldiers, paving the way for the arrival of General Henri Gouraud to command the French army in the Levant.

Picot was later appointed as minister plenipotentiary in Bulgaria and Argentina.

Test your knowledge

Reveal the correct answers

1. The Sykes-Picot Agreement was a private wartime treaty between Britain and France which was to determine the post-war partition of Arab Middle East lands.

2. It was named after its chief negotiators, Mark Sykes of Britain and Georges Picot of France.

3. The Sykes-Picot agreement split up the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire after World War I.

4. The region of Mesopotamia (now Iraq) was allocated as part of a future British sphere.

5. It provided a limited degree of independent Arab control over parts of Syria, Arabia and Transjordan.

The Agreement:

parties and course

During World War I, the foreign ministries of France, Russia, Britain and Italy assigned a group of selected diplomats to hold talks that would determine each country’s share of the inheritance of the Ottoman Empire, which at that stage was dubbed “The Sick Man”.

Between November 1915 and May 1916, secret negotiations and memos of understanding were exchanged among the foreign ministries of those countries, mainly represented by Britain’s Sykes and France’s Picot.

Hussein bin Ali (1854-1931)

Britain was the most powerful party among those countries. It was, at the same time, in contact with the Emir and Sharif of Mecca Hussein bin Ali, who had been plotting for a revolution that aimed at establishing an Arab kingdom in the region.

On May 16, 1916, a deal was secretly signed between Sykes and Picot, and approved Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Sazonov.

The content of the deal

The deal called for the establishment of five entities in the Levant:

The first entity extended from Baghdad to the south to include Kuwait, reaching to the Gulf coast. This entity was under direct control of the British.

The second entity combined what is today northern Iraq, Jordan and the Negev desert, reaching all the way to Sinai. This part was under British influence.

The third entity included a coastal area that extended from southern Lebanon to the north towards the provinces of Mersin, Iskenderun and Adana. It extended anteriorly to the inside of Anatolia. This part was under direct French control.

The fourth entity comprised the Syrian Desert. This part was under French influence.

The fifth entity included the Ottoman Jerusalem sanjak, which was the northern part of historic Palestine. This part was an international zone due to its religious significance. Britain was, however, allocated control of Acre and Haifa.

With regards to Russia, the agreement stated that Russia’s tsar would keep his stake in Istanbul, the territories adjacent to the Bosphorus strait and four provinces near the Russian borders in east Anatolia. Greece was allocated control of Turkey’s western coasts. Italy was given control of Turkey’s southwest.

Disclosure of the agreement

When Russian Tsar Nicholas II was overthrown in a popular revolution in 1917, the Bolshevik communists, led by Vladimir Lenin, found a copy of the Sykes-Picot agreement in the government’s archive records.

Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924)

The Balfour Declaration

Lenin’s colleague Leon Trotsky published a copy of the agreement in Izvestia newspaper on November 24, 1917, in an attempt to expose the great powers’ plans to inherit the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I.

Lenin called the treaty “the agreement of the colonial thieves”.

The exposure of the agreement caused a political scandal for Britain and France.

Britain, during its negotiations with Sharif of Mecca Hussein bin Ali, took up the responsibility of establishing “a national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine. This came in a letter written on November 2, 1917 by the then British foreign secretary, Arthur Balfour, to Baron Walter Rothschild, a close friend of Zionist movement leader Chaim Weizmann.

The British commitment was endorsed in 1920 as Herbert Samuel, a British Jewish Zionist, arrived in Palestine as Britain’s first high commissioner to the country. In that year, the British mandate of Palestine was formalised by the League of Nations in a special article in its legislations.

Outcome of the agreement

Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and Britain’s capture of Palestine and Iraq, Britain gave up the idea of partitioning the Ottoman Empire’s properties, as initially proposed in the Sykes-Picot agreement.

Instead, it focused on the mandate system approved in the San Remo conference which was held in France on April 26, 1920 and aimed at defining the destiny of the occupied Arab Orient provinces.

Prominent Lebanese historian Kamal Salibi believed that the main considerations taken at that time were related to oil and transportation tracks. The British faced many difficulties during the war as they tried to occupy Iraq. The outbreak of the war had proved the strategic significance of oil. At that time, Britain was controlling oil resources in Iran. Its main concern was to prevent the Germans, key contributors to the Turkish Petroleum Company, from reaching oil fields that were known to exist in Iraq’s Kirkuk region.

Mandate entities

Between 1915 and 1916, Ahmed Djemal Pasha, the last Ottoman military leader, issued severe sentences against Arab nationalist intellectuals from the Levant and executed some of them.

As a result, Arab nationalism supporters called for a complete independence from the Ottoman Empire. This coincided with the Sharif of Mecca’s declaration on June 1, 1916, to rise up against the empire. Hussein bin Ali announced that he intended to establish an Arab state that would extend from Aleppo, in Syria, to Aden in the south, as mentioned in his correspondences with the British Commissioner in Egypt Sir Henry McMahon. That, however, did not fit in with their allies’ colonial considerations set out at the San Remo conference.

As the British were trying to force out the Ottoman army from the Levant, Arab forces, led by Sharif Faisal, the third and most popular son of Sharif Hussein, were protecting Britain’s right wing. Sharif Faisal entered Damascus on October 1, 1918, and founded an Arab government under his father’s rule, in an attempt to impose this new reality on Britain and France.

The French, who had already occupied Beirut, pretended that they wanted to reach a settlement with Sharif Faisal. They headed towards Damascus and defeated Sharif Faisal’s army at Maysalun near Damascus on June 24, 1920.

In compensation, the British founded a new Arab kingdom for Sharif Faisal in the old Ottoman provinces in Iraq, which the British army had marched towards in 1915 and fully occupied in 1917. Those provinces were later united under what became known as the Kingdom of Iraq.

In the meantime, France relinquished its claim on Mosul province in return for a bigger share in the Turkish Petroleum Company. The company was confiscated by the allies and re-established under the name of the “Iraq Petroleum Company”.

In 1920, the French annexed some parts of the Ottoman provinces - that were previously annexed to Beirut and Damascus - to the old Mount Lebanon Mutassarrifat to create the State of Lebanon, with its borders as they currently are.

The French later started to deal with the rest of the region that was under their mandate, and which they called the “Mashriq”. Besides Lebanon, they established four more states; two regional states – the Aleppo State and the Damascus State, and two sect-based states - the Alawite State and the Jabal al-Druz State.

In response to national pressure, the French merged Aleppo and Damascus states in 1932 under the “State of Syria”, which later became known as the “Syrian Republic”. They later annexed to it the states of Jabal al-Druz and the Alawite.

The State of Syria in 1932

Following the end of WWI, confrontations erupted in the Arabian Peninsula, whose southern and eastern regions were put under British protection, between Britain’s two allies - the Emir of Najd Abdul Aziz al-Saud and King of Hejaz Sharif Hussein.

The battles ended when al-Saud seized control of the regions that fell under the influence of Emir Ali, Sharif Hussein’s eldest son and heir in Hejaz, in Medina, Yanbu and Jeddah. The latter was defeated in 1925 and headed to India. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was established in 1932.

Palestine, meanwhile, had been under the rule of British General Edmund Allenby since he entered Jerusalem in 1917. Its eastern border with the Emirate of Transjordan was the border that the “promised national home for the Jews”, as per the Balfour Declaration, was not allowed to cross.

The borders,

100 years later

By the end of World War I, the Sykes-Picot agreement was replaced by the San Remo agreement and the mandate policies that were applied to the newly created Arab countries in Al Mashriq. Nothing was left of the Sykes-Picot agreement except the initial demarcation of Lebanon, Iraq, Transjordan and Palestine borders. In 1939, Turkey seized Syria’s Iskenderun province, in collaboration with the French mandate authorities.

The British-French colonisation remained in the Al Mashriq countries, except in the regions of Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Transjordan, until the beginning of World War II in 1939.

Egypt and Iraq signed treaties with Britain that practically prevented them from getting their independence, until the two monarchies were overthrown respectively in 1952 and 1958.

During the war, France’s government pledged to grant independence to the countries under its mandate, amidst the loudening voices of the local political class that called for independence. Syria and Lebanon gained independence in 1943, two years before the end of WWII.

On a spring day in 1948, Britain ended its mandate in Palestine. Hours later, The Jewish leadership, led by future Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, declared the establishment of a “Jewish State”, to be known as the State of Israel. The British had, before and during the war, called for the migration of Europe’s Jews to Palestine, paving the way for the establishment of that new state.

The international role of the British and French began to dwindle in the aftermath of the 1956 Suez crisis. In the 1960s and 1970s, Britain began to pull out of the Arabian Peninsula. It withdrew from Kuwait in 1965, Aden protectorate in 1967, Muscat and Oman in 1970, and from Qatar, the Emirates and Bahrain in 1971.

Since then, there has hardly been any change to the borders of the Arab countries, except for the 1990 unification of the northern and southern Yemeni parts. The 1993 Oslo Accord between the Palestinians and the Israelis only led to a limited Palestinian self-rule in the geographically unconnected territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

The stalemate in the Arab World began to dissolve at the beginning of this century, following the 2003 US invasion of Iraq and the eruption of the 2011 Syrian revolution against President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, two events that set the stage for the emergence of ISIL in 2014.

In June 2014, ISIL removed border posts between Iraq and Syria, as part of the group’s proclaimed plan to restore the Islamic Caliphate on the ruins of the Sykes-Picot border.

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Sykes-Picot AgreementSykes-Picot Agreement, (May 1916), secret convention made during World War I between Great Britain ...
06/12/2024

Sykes-Picot Agreement

Sykes-Picot Agreement, (May 1916), secret convention made during World War I between Great Britain and France, with the assent of imperial Russia, for the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire.
The agreement led to the division of Turkish-held Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Palestine into various French- and British-administered areas.

Negotiations were begun in November 1915, and the final agreement took its name from the chief negotiators from Britain and France, Sir Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot. Sergey Dimitriyevich Sazonov was also present to represent Russia, the third member of the Triple Entente.

Background and provisions
In the midst of World War I the question arose of what would happen to the Ottoman territories if the war led to the disintegration of “the sick man of Europe.” The Triple Entente moved to secure their respective interests in the region. They had agreed in the March 1915 Constantinople Agreement to give Russia Constantinople (Istanbul) and areas around it, which would provide access to the Mediterranean Sea.

France, meanwhile, had a number of economic investments and strategic relationships in Syria, especially in the area of Aleppo, while Britain wanted secure access to India through the Suez Canal and the Persian Gulf. It was out of a need to coordinate British and French interests in these regions that the Sykes-Picot Agreement was born.
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Quick Facts
Also called: Asia Minor Agreement
Date: May 1916
Participants: France Russia United Kingdom
Its provisions were as follows:
(1) Russia should acquire the Armenian provinces of Erzurum, Trebizond (Trabzon), Van, and Bitlis, with some Kurdish territory to the southeast;
(2) France should acquire Lebanon and the Syrian littoral, Adana, Cilicia, and the hinterland adjacent to Russia’s share, that hinterland including Aintab, Urfa, Mardin, Diyarbakır, and Mosul;
(3) Great Britain should acquire southern Mesopotamia, including Baghdad, and also the Mediterranean ports of Haifa and Acre;
(4) between the French and the British acquisitions there should be a confederation of Arab states or a single independent Arab state, divided into French and British spheres of influence;
(5) Alexandretta (İskenderun) should be a free port; and
(6) Palestine, because of the holy places, should be under an international regime.

Impact and legacy

The pact excited the ambitions of Italy, to whom it was communicated in August 1916, after the Italian declaration of war against Germany, with the result that it had to be supplemented, in April 1917, by the Agreement of Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne, whereby Great Britain and France promised southern and southwestern Anatolia to Italy. The defection of Russia from the war canceled the Russian aspect of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and the Turkish Nationalists’ victories after the military collapse of the Ottoman Empire led to the gradual abandonment of any Italian projects for Anatolia.

The Arabs, however, who had learned of the Sykes-Picot Agreement through the publication of it, together with other secret treaties of imperial Russia, by the Soviet Russian government late in 1917, were scandalized by it. This secret arrangement conflicted in the first place with pledges already given by the British to the Hashemite dynast Hussein ibn Ali, sharif of Mecca, during the Hussein McMahon Correspondence (1915–16). Based on the understanding that the Arabs would eventually receive independence, Hussein had brought the Arabs of the Hejaz into revolt against the Turks in June 1916.

Despite the Sykes-Picot Agreement, the British still appeared to support Arab self-determination at first, helping Hussein’s son Faisal and his forces press into Syria in 1918 and establish a government in Damascus. In April 1920, however, the Allied powers agreed to divide governance of the region into separate Class “A” mandates at the Conference of San Remo, along lines similar to those agreed upon under the Sykes-Picot Agreement. The borders of these mandates split up Arab lands and ultimately led to the modern borders of Iraq, Israel and the Palestinian territories, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria.

Even though the borders of the mandates were not determined until several years after the Sykes-Picot Agreement, the fact that the deal set the framework for these borders stoked lingering resentment well into the 21st century. Pan-Arabists opposed splitting up the mostly Arab-populated territories into separate countries, which they considered to be little more than imperialist impositions.

Moreover, the borders split up other contiguous populations, like the Kurds and the Druze, and left them as minority populations in several countries, depriving their communities of self-determination altogether. Moments of political turmoil were often met with declarations of “the end of Sykes-Picot,” such as the establishment of the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq in 1992 or the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and the State (ISIS) in 2014. Meanwhile, the Sykes-Picot Agreement is often criticized together with the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Balfour Declaration as contradictory promises made by Britain to France, the Arabs, and the Zionist movement.


Middle East, the lands around the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean Sea, encompassing at least the Arabian Peninsula and, by some definitions, Iran, North Africa, and sometimes beyond. The central part of this general area was formerly called the Near East, a name given to it by some of the first modern Western geographers and historians, who tended to divide what they called the Orient into three regions.
Near East applied to the region nearest Europe, extending from the Mediterranean Sea to the Persian Gulf; Middle East, from the Persian Gulf to Southeast Asia; and Far East, those regions facing the Pacific Ocean.

The change in usage began to evolve prior to World War II and tended to be confirmed during that war, when the term Middle East was given to the British military command in Egypt. By the mid-20th century a common definition of the Middle East encompassed the states or territories of Turkey, Cyprus, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, Israel, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, Jordan, Egypt, Sudan, Libya, and the various states and territories of Arabia proper (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Yemen, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar, and the Trucial States, or Trucial Oman [now United Arab Emirates]).

Subsequent events have tended, in loose usage, to enlarge the number of lands included in the definition. The three North African countries of Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco are closely connected in sentiment and foreign policy with the Arab states. In addition, geographic factors often require statesmen and others to take account of Afghanistan and Pakistan in connection with the affairs of the Middle East.

Occasionally, Greece is included in the compass of the Middle East because the Middle Eastern (then Near Eastern) question in its modern form first became apparent when the Greeks rose in rebellion to assert their independence of the Ottoman Empire in 1821 (see Eastern Question). Turkey and Greece, together with the predominantly Arabic-speaking lands around the eastern end of the Mediterranean, were also formerly known as the Levant.

Relief sculpture of Assyrian (Assyrer) people in the British Museum, London, England.

Britannica Quiz

Geography of the Middle East Quiz
Use of the term Middle East nonetheless remains unsettled, and some agencies (notably the United States State Department and certain bodies of the United Nations) still employ the term Near East.

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