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Wacyi Galinta Nabada iyo Siyaasada Hadalyar iyo Howlbadan

06/12/2024

Waa Qeyb Kamid Ah Dhibaatooyinka Shacabka Deegaanka Ay Kuhayaan Ciidamada Liyuu Police.

06/12/2024

Fanaanada Idil Ayruush Oo Kacabaneysa Ciidamada Liyuu Police.

26/11/2024

Kuumade Waxey Maanta Taaganyihiin Halkii Ay Taagnaayeen Beesha Jareer Weyne.

Sayid Ahmed Iyo General Sheegow Maanta Isku Meel Ayey Taaganyihiin Mid Walbana Tolkiisba Gabey.

Tani Barbadow Iyo Ceeb Ma Hadha Ah Yaynan Idinku Noqon Wiilkiinana La Idinkala Hoosbixin Sidii General Sheegow Tolkii Loogala Hoosbaxay.

26/11/2024

Qosadii Shahiid Sheekh Deeq Qeybtii 2aad.

Dayax Weerar.

25/11/2024

Qisadii Halgamaa Sheekh Deeq ‘AUN’ Oo Kamid AhaaLafdhabartii Halgankii Xornimodoonka ONLF.

24/11/2024

Jaaliyada reer Sweden Oo abaabulaya Midaharad ay ugasoo horjeedaan Imaanshaha Mw Mustafa Cagjar oo kusoo wajahan Sweden.

Dad Shacab Ah Kasoojeeda Deegaanka Ayaa Abaabulaya Shirar Ay Kudiyaarinayaan Banaanbaxyo Ay Ugasoo Horjeedaan Mw Mustafe. Cagjar Sidookale Xukuumada Deegaanka Ayaa Lacago Kubixinaysa Sidii Loofashilin Lahaa Shirarka Lagu Abaabulayo Mudaharadkaas.

04/11/2024

Wakhtigii Xukuumadii Cabdi Ilay Wuxuu ONLF Ukala Qeybiyey, Wuxuu Samaystey Garab Mucaarad Ah Wuxuuna Gudoomiye Uga Dhigay Salaaxudiin Macow.

Xukuumada Mw Mustaf Cagjar Sidookale ONLF Wuxuu Ukala Qeybiyey Laba Garab Sidookale Garabka Mucaaradka Ah Wuxuu Gudoomiye Uga Dhigay Rayaale xaamud.

Maxay Kasimanyihiin Mustafe Iyo cabdi.

>Waxey Kasimanyihiin Burburinta Ururka Gobonimo Doonka ONLF.
> Waxey Kasimanyihiin Fulinta Awaamiirta Itoobiya.
>Waxey Kasimanyihiin Labduba In Ayna Rabitaanka Shacabka Deegaanka Ku Iman.

04/11/2024

Waxaan Arkey Dad Aad U Falanqeynaya sawirka Cabdi Ilay Balse Xaqiiqada Waxey Tahey Maanta Adisababa abiye Haduu Kasoo magacaabo Deegaankana Madaxweyne uga Dhigo Majiro Qof awooda Oo Kahor Imaan Kara Aamina Bulshada Deegaanka In Aynan Laheyn Damiir Wax Kudiidi Karaan.

04/11/2024

Somali Region – its political and security situation
October, 2024

Governance and political atmosphere

Challenges in Somali region are growing in complexity and scale. As the successive national and regional governments have badly failed to deliver the responsibilities they have been entrusted with, the regional inhabitants are trapped in a difficulty and horrible situation that will never change unless well-thought and carefully crafted measures are employed. The current regional government is not only so incompetent to live up to the public expectations, but also lacks the desire and the willingness to produce appropriate and workable policies, ensure peace and stability and create conducive and enabling working environment. Just like its predecessors, the regional government rewards individuals that excel at political rent seeking, condemning the region to a persistent political and social crisis. In stark contrast to the public expectations, the ruling system is replete with power abuse, constitutional violations, baseless smear campaigns, corruption/looting and resources mismanagement.

The challenges in the Somali region are indeed multifaceted and present a significant obstacle to progress and stability. The culmination of historical failures, inadequate governance, systemic corruption, and divisive political dynamics has led to a distressing situation that demands urgent and effective resolutions. One of the critical challenges stems from the inability of successive national and regional governments to fulfill their responsibilities to the population. This has resulted in a persistent dire situation for the people living in the region. The lack of effective policies, peace maintenance, and a conducive work environment has hindered any meaningful progress.

The prevalent culture of political rent-seeking further exacerbates the crisis. The system rewards individuals skilled in exploiting the political environment for personal gain, perpetuating a cycle of instability and discontent among the population. This not only undermines the democratic process but also corrodes public trust and faith in the government. Moreover, the erosion of ethical norms and operational standards is a distressing reality. Gossip, rumors, slander, and blackmail have replaced the objective application of laws. This has led to a disregard for the potential consequences of breaking the law among bureaucrats, parliament members, and citizens, further undermining the rule of law.

The lack of cohesive objectives among the diverse leadership in the region has added to the complexity of the situation. Conflicting messages and shifting political and social stances have deepened inter-group animosity, impeding institutional progress and frequently sparking conflicts. The leadership, operating outside established values and regulations, has worsened the situation, contributing to a lack of trust and unity within the region.

The duplicitous behavior of the regional president, symbolized by the moniker "two-in-one leader," meaning he combines the political views of Menelik and Siyad Barre, showcases the internal divisions and conflicting interests within the leadership. The speeches and notes he delivers in Amharic starkly contradict the ones he conveys in Somali language. The Amharic messages, which are usually intended for specific non-Somali political elites, support a unitary system of government, in which the central government is an ultimately supreme. In contrast, the Somali language dispatches accommodate “the greater Somalia ideology”. This dissonance in messages not only exacerbates existing tensions but also hampers efforts to unite the region and move towards a common goal.

Lastly, the influence of highly politicized and corrupt traditional clan leaders cannot be underestimated. Their involvement in regional politics and their susceptibility to abuse contribute to the perpetuation of the crisis. Addressing this influence and fostering a more inclusive and accountable political environment is crucial to resolving the challenges in the Somali region. Effective resolutions and reforms are imperative to break this cycle of instability and pave the way for lasting peace and progress in the region.

Security, rule of law and human rights situation

While Ethiopia’s centre-periphery relations have been a source of tension and potential conflict throughout its history, insurgency and counter-insurgency, clan conflicts and lawlessness have been the primary characteristics of Somali region. Indeed, ever since Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) has signed the peace agreement with the government of Ethiopia, the overall security of the region has visibly improved. However, there is still a number of potential security challenges in Somali region, which can be broadly divided into political and clan conflicts.

Political conflicts

Politically motivated conflicts in Somali Region can further be divided into two components: (a) potential conflict arising from the integration process of the ONLF and (b) potential terrorist operations.

Integration process of the ONLF

The 2018 accord between the Ethiopian government and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) marked a watershed moment, ostensibly advancing the prospect of a peaceful settlement, affording ONLF the opportunity to pursue its objectives through diplomatic channels. Nevertheless, the passage of time has witnessed a gradual escalation of tensions between ONLF and the regional government. Despite facing military setbacks and political reversals, ONLF persists in maintaining a substantial level of popular support within the region, as evidenced by the sizable crowds that converge at their gatherings and events. In response to this enduring backing, the state has taken a proactive stance, employing measures designed to erode ONLF's political base, including arrests, closures of their offices, and various forms of suppression.

The regional government exacerbates the situation further by employing polarizing tactics, displaying overt favoritism towards specific ONLF leaders based on their respective clan affiliations. Perceptive to these stratagems, ONLF endeavors to harness these challenges as rallying points to galvanize their cause.

Furthermore, the regional government has breached critical tenets of the peace accord by disregarding pivotal provisions concerning the demobilization and reintegration of ONLF forces. This negligence places former ONLF combatants in a precarious social, political, and economic position, heightening the risk of their gravitation towards banditry or aligning with extremist factions. The integration of certain ex-combatants into regional security apparatuses is marred by inadequate training, particularly pertaining to a comprehensive understanding and adherence to national and regional legal frameworks.

While ONLF professes to have evolved politically and endeavors to address challenges impartially, their comprehension of national statutes remains circumscribed. This limitation, coupled with a sense of betrayal among select members, presents a potential hazard of inciting violent reactions. It is imperative for both the regional government and ONLF to conduct an extensive joint appraisal of the situation, forging a collaborative path towards meticulously planned strategies. These strategies should center on mitigating hostilities and fostering enhanced cooperation between the involved parties, ultimately steering the region towards a lasting and sustainable peace.

The Nexus between Madrasas, Extremism, and Potential Terror Operations in Ethiopia: A Multifaceted Challenge

The change in administration in Jijiga in August 2018 marked a significant shift in the security landscape of the region. The once prominent security force, the Liyu Police, experienced internal disruptions, including the arrest of commanders and a decline in operational efficiency. This upheaval resulted in security vacuums, particularly along borders, leaving the nation susceptible to heightened activities by extremist groups such as Al-Shabab. Simultaneously, attempts to restructure and rejuvenate the Liyu Police were hampered by organizational challenges, hindering the formulation of effective security strategies. The region grapples with a confluence of factors, including political shifts, security vulnerabilities, infiltration by extremist groups, such as Al-Shabab, and unresolved grievances, highlighting the critical need for a nuanced examination of these dynamics.

Furthermore, it has long been confirmed that extremist groups have successfully infiltrated Ethiopia, particularly in Afder and Liban zones, where they engage in illicit fundraising and potentially plan acts of terror. Al-Shabab, in particular, has demonstrated a patient and strategic approach, necessitating heightened vigilance and proactive measures to counter their influence. Alarmingly, instances of former members of extremist groups assuming administrative roles surfaced, underscoring the risk of radical ideologies permeating governance and society. The porous border which Ethiopia shares with Somalia presents imminent security concerns and there are documented cases of Al-Shabab operatives infiltrating the country through Somali region. This underscores the immediate need to bolster border security and intelligence operations. In addition, addressing the persistent grievances within the local communities of the region is equally vital, as these grievances can become fertile grounds for the inception and proliferation of extremist ideologies, thereby further complicating counterterrorism endeavors.

Similarly, the alarming nexus between madrasas (Islamic schools), extremism, and potential terror operations in Ethiopia's Somali region demands a multifaceted approach for effective intervention and mitigation. The role of madrasas in shaping the ideological and social landscapes of communities cannot be underestimated. Unfortunately, in some cases, these educational institutions inadvertently become platforms for promoting hate, extremism, and potential terrorist activities. Notably, individuals with ideological leanings akin to Al-Shabab have been permitted to operate schools in the region, exacerbating the issue. Numerous such madrasas have surfaced across the region, including various branches of the New Generation, alongside others in Dagahbour, Qabridahar, Gode, and other woredas.

Therefore, it is crucial to explore the potential security implications of the growing madrasas in the Somali region, shedding light on how these institutions might fuel extremism and potential terror activities, and emphasize the urgent need to address this complex challenge.

The fundamental role of madrasas in shaping the ideological and social fabrics of communities cannot be overstated. Regrettably, in certain instances, such as in Somalia, madrasas serve as unwitting platforms for disseminating hates, fostering extremism, and potentially inciting terrorist activities. This narrative underscores the urgent need to comprehend the complex challenges arising from the convergence of madrasas, extremism, and the potential for terror operations, particularly in the evolving sociopolitical landscape of Jijiga and the wider Somali region within Ethiopia.

It is however, unfair to make a blanket judgment that all Islamic schools foster extremism. However, it is wise to carefully oversee the teachings provided to our youth, as well as the qualifications and histories of their instructors. This scrutiny should extend not only to Islamic schools, but also to mainstream educational institutions.

Addressing this multifaceted challenge requires a holistic approach that encompasses educational reform, community engagement, counter-radicalization programs, border security enhancements, and intelligence sharing. Collaboration between religious leaders, educational authorities, security forces, and local communities is crucial to design and implement strategies that effectively counter the spread of extremism while respecting religious freedoms and cultural diversity. Moreover, regional cooperation and international support are essential to develop a coordinated response to this pressing issue and ensure a more stable and secure future for the Somali region of Ethiopia.

Clan conflicts in Somali Region

The Somali people, usually seen as a homogeneous group, are actually deeply divided due to a clan system that evolved as a survival strategy in their harsh environment over centuries. These clan structures are central to Somali politics and society, and clan identity is flexible, changing according to circumstances and the goals of the individuals involved. It is important to note that mere differences in clan identities do not directly cause conflict. The historical context of the clan system demonstrates that it does not inherently lead to chaos and can even be used to manage or prevent wars. This unique aspect of traditional and contemporary Somali conflicts involves clannism and clan differences being both a source of conflict, used to divide communities and incite clashes over resources and power, and a tool for conflict mediation through traditional clan elders, facilitating broad-based reconciliation, otherwise very difficult to achieve.

In recent decades, the traditional clan system, once a bedrock of community and cultural cohesion, has undergone a profound transformation. Regrettably, this transformation has seen the co-opting of the clan system into political machinations, thereby wielding it as a potent tool for capturing state power, perpetuating corruption, and facilitating personal gain. This shift has dealt a severe blow to the integrity of public institutions and has significantly weakened the legitimacy of governing authorities. The politicization of the clan system has entailed a departure from its original purpose and function within society. Instead of serving as a means to preserve cultural heritage, promote solidarity, and resolve disputes, it has become a means of consolidating political power. Clan affiliations are now utilized to form alliances and mobilize support for individuals seeking political office, leading to a distortion of the democratic process and undermining the principles of meritocracy and fair representation.

Corruption has found a fertile ground within this politicized clan system. Those within influential political networks often exploit their positions of authority and. Mobilize clan structures to amass wealth and resources for personal enrichment. Nepotism and favoritism become prevalent, eroding any semblance of a level playing field for the wider populace. Consequently, trust in public institutions is eroded, as citizens witness the exploitation of clan connections for personal gain instead of the advancement of the common good.

Furthermore, this politicization has disrupted traditional norms and values that once guided the functioning of the clan system. The emphasis on mutual respect, communal harmony, and fair dispute resolution has been supplanted by divisive tactics, partisan allegiances, and power struggles. This shift has widened societal fault lines and exacerbated inter-clan tensions, fracturing the social fabric. As traditional norms are side-lined, the rule of law suffers. The politicization of clans often involves bending or disregarding established legal frameworks to suit political agendas, further deepening the sense of social injustice. Equal treatment under the law becomes elusive, and the erosion of the rule of law perpetuates a culture of impunity, where individuals can act without fear of accountability.

The current conflicts in the Somali region are deeply entrenched in a web of intricate personal and group interests, predominantly defined by clan dynamics. These conflicts have become a battleground for various factions, each pursuing their own agenda under the guise of clan identity. Sadly, political leaders exploit this system to their advantage, utilizing clannism deceitfully to further their personal ambitions. Within the region, the prevailing perception of the current political leadership is one of arrogance and opportunism. A significant portion of the society believes that these leaders manipulate clan structures to gain unwarranted control, often for self-serving reasons rather than the greater good of the community. Rogue groups and private individuals exploit clan affiliations to advance their political and economic interests, severely impeding social development initiatives and state-building efforts.

These entities skillfully navigate the evolving rules of the game to benefit themselves, aggravating the already fragile situation. Astonishingly, those individuals primarily responsible for the region's insecurity and conflicts present themselves as indispensable and claim to be part of the solution, perpetuating the cycle of violence.

A distressing milestone in Somali history is the recent phenomenon where clans and sub-clans have imposed restrictions on their neighbors, denying them access to essential resources such as water and pasture. This act of exclusion exacerbates tensions and escalates conflict, highlighting the deep-seated divisions within the society. Furthermore, the alarming trend of clans arming themselves and acquiring military-grade weapons from sources in Somalia and Yemen is a cause for great concern. The complicity and support from the regional government in this dangerous escalation only amplify the risk of prolonged and intensified violence in the region.

Addressing these complex issues necessitates a comprehensive approach that considers the socio-political dynamics, economic disparities, and historical grievances. A genuine commitment to inclusive dialogue, disarmament initiatives, and equitable resource distribution is imperative to foster peace, stability, and progress in the Somali region. Additionally, fostering accountable and responsible leadership that prioritizes the well-being of the populace over personal gain is vital for long-term peacebuilding and sustainable development.

During the now defunct villagisation scheme, which mandated locals to construct permanent residences, the implementation process displayed clear biases, and the state's attempts to prevent favoritism were notably inadequate. Following the replacement of the oppressive regional government, those who felt to had been treated unfairly during the scheme sought retribution, significantly heightening the possibility of inter-community conflict. The recent upsurge in clan conflicts within the region can, in part, be attributed to discontent stemming from perceived or actual unequal allocation of job opportunities and state contracts at the district (woreda) level.

As a result, since the change in regional government in late 2018, numerous districts have grappled with these clashes, and tensions persist in many others. traditionally, the possession of permanent infrastructure on a specific piece of land is perceived as a de facto title deed, illustrating that the land does not belong to an individual, but rather to the clan or sub-clan of the person who made the investment. Consequently, immediately after the political change in the region, numerous clans and sub-clans have laid claim to disputed territories, sparking violent conflicts with other clans. Such incidents are pervasive throughout the region, occurring in nearly every zone.

As an example, a clash emerged in Harwein village (Dobawein district of Korrahey zone) involving two sub-clans, resulting in four fatalities and around ten injuries. Additionally, in Ismodey and Qabri-Amadin (Kudubur district, Korrahey Zone), violent conflicts led to fifteen reported deaths and 53 injuries. Within Dollo Zone, clan clashes in Da’der (Gelladi), Gacandale (Gelladi), and Nef-ku-Eliye (Warder) caused 11, 10, and 7 deaths respectively. Similarly, Tulli-Guled, Dakhato, Garbo/Duhun, and Dobale (Fafan, Erer, and Nogob zones respectively) experienced disputes over land ownership, resulting in loss of lives, injuries, and property damage. In Bil’inbur (Jarar zone), a power-sharing dispute among two sub-clans led to at least three fatalities and other casualties. Furthermore, a violent conflict over the ownership of Hareriga (Jarrati woreda of Afder zone) resulted in two deaths and six injuries. The Raso/Salahad conflict witnessed a death toll surpassing a hundred, which tragically included infants, children, and pregnant women. Conflicts in Elele Woreda of Shabelle zone claimed over 10 lives, and the tensions between the two sub-clans remain unresolved.

In Warder, a conflict erupted between two communities of the same sub-clan, resulting in over 32 deaths. The regional government's intervention to address the issue led one faction in the conflict to reasonably accuse the regional government of not only failing to support their side but also initiating the conflict and arming the opposing side. The regional government has indeed arrested dozens of elders from the community that felt unfairly treated. It's noteworthy that in Gelladi woreda of Dollo Zone, armed militias crossed from Somalia and ruthlessly killed five children—a departure from Somali cultural norms.

Persistent conflict over grazing land prevails in Shilabo Woreda, claiming more than 100 lives, including the elderly, children, and even regional security forces. In Birqod Woreda of Jarar Zone, a government-instigated communal conflict has led to the killing of at least five people and the arrest of over 150 individuals, including innocent women and children, the elderly, and traditional clan leaders. Government intervention in this conflict has taken a biased stance, further aggravating the situation.

In Mombas of Babile Woreda, regional security forces have brutally murdered 18 unarmed elders who had gathered to discuss matters concerning their sub-clan. Specifically, the elders aimed to elect their own stand-alone clan chief rather than being part of another clan. Undoubtedly, the violent communal conflicts in the region necessitate thorough research and analysis beyond the scope of this brief account.

After a conflict arises, established societal norms for engagement and negotiation emerge. However, these traditional norms and practices have been challenged recently due to several factors. Modern weaponry, infusion of state-driven resources like advanced water projects and state budgets, along with evolving interests and a declining regard for conventional rules by the younger generation, have collectively eroded these traditional approaches. Predictably, this has heightened the intensity, casualties, and scope of conflicts.

Likewise, development initiatives and the management of social service delivery projects have the potential to spark social discord if not handled carefully and with an awareness of conflict dynamics. For instance, the implementation of specific water projects, such as Berkads and boreholes, which are more susceptible to causing conflict, requires meticulous planning. There have been cases where the establishment of water points in the form of Berkads and boreholes has triggered tensions and conflict. From the local perspective, water sources enhance the value of land and heighten the stakes for parties with conflicting claims to the concerned land. Constructing water sources on a particular piece of land is seen as asserting ownership over that specific plot, consequently reigniting latent conflicts related to competing claims over the same piece of land, ultimately leading to conflict. Likewise, the provision of food aid, as it particularly tied to settlement patterns, tends to encourage the clustering of populations into villages, thereby fostering communal tensions and conflicts. This phenomenon of villagization can have wider social and conflict-related implications.

Rule of law and human right violations

Human right abuses

The record of human rights violations by regional security forces in this area has left a stain, causing the population to endure an environment rife with fear, doubt, and suspicion. The present regional government stands accused of committing serious human rights infractions, violating national laws. While the extent of these violations is lower than that set by the former regional government, it still surpasses the average levels observed before 2006. The reduction in human rights abuses is attributed not to better governance, but to the absence of insurgencies. This absence arguably deprives the state of justification to arbitrarily punish its critics by associating them with groups like ONLF and Al-Itihad. It is however, important to highlight the fact that more people died because of violent conflict during leadership of Mustafe than that of Abdi Mohamud Omer. However, it is essential to emphasize that a greater number of individuals lost their lives due to violent conflicts under Mustafe's leadership compared to Abdi Mohamud Omer's tenure.

Regrettably, the current vengeful regional administrator, preoccupied with finding individuals to blame for the deaths of his uncle in early 1992 and his brother in late 2016, spares no effort in seeking revenge, particularly against certain communities. His abusive, divisive, and destructive conduct, combined with a system marked by incompetence driven by looting, has transformed society into a passive yet enraged mass of victims. Although silencing critics through arrests is commonplace, incidents of arbitrary killings and disappearances are also reported. Instances of such killings have taken place in various locations, including Jijiga, Kebridahar, Hargelle, Gode, Aw-Bare, Birqot, and Raso.

In the Somali Region of Ethiopia, arbitrary detentions have unfortunately become distressingly frequent, underscoring a deeply concerning state of affairs. The ability to organize meetings and express opinions has been severely restricted, with stringent limitations placed on gatherings that do not explicitly support the regional administration. This climate of fear and suppression is evident in the repeated arrests of opposition figures striving to exercise their right to assemble and voice dissenting views. These circumstances indicate a glaring power imbalance and a worrisome erosion of democratic values within the region.

The Somali Region has been known to operate clandestine detention centers, which are extensively utilized not only for the purpose of apprehension but also for the brutal torture and dehumanization of individuals deemed as enemies of the state. These secretive facilities serve as grim reminders of human rights violations and abuse of power, casting a dark shadow over the region's governance and justice system.

It is evident that the previous regional government engaged in grave and widespread human rights violations to instill fear and terror. Their excessively oppressive and tyrannical style of governance has had devastating effects on the traditional values of local communities. Traditionally outspoken Somali individuals have been forced into silence or coerced into becoming subservient flatterers. Therefore, given the abhorrent abuses and violations experienced by local communities, a scaled-down version of rights infringement seems somewhat tolerable to them.

Absence of rule law

In the realm of upholding the rule of law, the region conspicuously falters in consistently and justly applying legal tenets. The legal framework demonstrates a disturbing trend of implementing laws selectively, often favoring certain individuals or groups while discriminating against others. Those taken into custody often face inadequate and biased treatment, resulting in a dearth of fair trial opportunities and subjecting them to egregiously unfair legal proceedings. An alarming indicator of deficient governance manifests in the disorderly conduct exhibited by state police forces, undermining the very essence of law and order.

In the Somali region, law enforcement agencies, which play a crucial role in showcasing the adherence to the rule of law and ensuring the safety of the public, are plagued by notable deficiencies. The regional police force grapples with insufficient training and substandard equipment, making them more prone to flouting established rules rather than upholding them. Specifically, the specialized police units in the region often lack proper training and guidance to effectively manage the civil aspects, a critical element in any counter-protest operation, tragically resulting in recurring loss of life.

The state of the judicial system within the region, especially the courts, is disheartening, having been reduced to a mere tool of political maneuvering. It is distressing to witness how the judiciary is instrumentalized to address not only actual but also perceived political disagreements and traditional clan matters. Sadly, the judiciary has become an extension of the repressive machinery of the authorities, serving their interests rather than upholding justice. Courts in the region dispense sentences of varying lengths arbitrarily, underscoring the system's bias and lack of impartiality.

A poignant lens through which to gauge the state of the justice system in the region is by delving into cases related to land ownership in Jijiga and observing how law enforcement bodies handle them. These cases shed light on the overall health of the justice system, revealing the extent of its selectiveness and the urgent need for comprehensive reforms to establish a truly fair and equitable legal framework.

Service delivery and public resources mismanagement

In the domain of social service provision, a significant portion of the local population expresses dissatisfaction with the regional government's inefficiency and subpar performance. Trust in the government's ability to meet essential needs has been undermined. Academic achievements of students from the area lag behind in national exams, and crucial amenities like water supply, sanitation, and healthcare facilities are severely lacking. A prevailing sense of pessimism and dependency pervades the community, and many residents appear disconnected from the evolving circumstances.

Concerning the mishandling and misuse of public resources, a prevailing belief suggests that corruption has escalated to blatant looting, reaching distressing levels within the region. Transparency and accountability are notably absent, and public institutions have become deeply rooted in corruption. The intended effectiveness of the Public Procurement Guidelines, designed to ensure efficiency and openness, has been overlooked and remains unimplemented. Criticism is directed at the present political leadership under Mr. Mustafa Omer, accusing them of blurring the lines between personal wealth and public authority. This has led to a dysfunctional state controlled by a privileged minority. Allegations indicate that current leaders and professionals holding public positions are deeply involved in embezzlement, striving to accumulate wealth by exploiting public resources. Contractors in the region lack faith in the system, believing that state contracts and employment are granted based on nepotism, favoritism, and self-interest.

Astoundingly, within the year leading up to May 30, 2023, substantial amounts of funds were channeled into the personal account (1000297916304) of Dr. Kedir Hussen, a relative of the regional president, totaling over 87 million Birr by the regional government. Similarly, in less than eight months, the government transferred an excess of seventy million Birr into the personal account (1000514116273) of Abdinur Mahamed, a close family member of the president.

Moreover, Dr. Hussein Kasim exhibited audacity by utilizing the personal account (1000170800978) of his protocol, Mr. Abdirizak Hassen, to transfer an excess of 25 million Birr during the period ending May 30, 2023. What is deeply concerning is the source of these deposited funds, primarily from the public treasury, and their subsequent transfer to accounts associated with Hawala, highlighting the extent of embezzlement within the region. This starkly exposes the thinly veiled attempts of regional leaders to conceal these actions.

This disconcerting revelation underscores the negligence of the federal government towards the well-being and sustenance of the Somali community in Ethiopia.

Furthermore, family members and close associates of senior government officials, including Mustafa Omer, are implicated in widespread looting. They face accusations of obtaining state contracts without fair competition and at inflated prices. These corrupt practices extend across various sectors, including road construction, bridges, buildings, and procurement, involving substantial sums of public funds. For instance, Igal Mohamed, a close associate and childhood friend of Mr. Ahmed Shide, has been awarded numerous state contracts without competition and, even worse, at significantly exorbitant unit prices. These contracts encompass road constructions, bridges, buildings, and procurements worth billions of Birr.

During the fiscal years from 2013 to 2015, there is a noticeable lack of public projects, underscoring a history of substantial looting in preceding years. Apart from a few kilometers of streets constructed in Jijiga and Gode, no major projects were implemented during those years. Budgets allocated for these years were diverted to cover the looted resources from earlier years, evident through the correlation between budget releases and exchange rates in Wajale. The prevalent perception is that the regional leaders and their associates prefer to govern without the presence of essential institutions. This enables them to evade accountability for their corrupt actions and misuse of their positions. The absence of checks and balances has facilitated rampant corruption and extensive looting in the Somali Region over time, contributing to the collapse of already fragile regional institutions.

Specific individuals, notably Mohamed Ag-Jar and Mukhtar Shek, are highlighted as pioneers of looting in the region. They have not only manipulated it politically but also economically and socially. Mukhtar Shek is the owner of Rays Microfinance and has established Sahay Microfinance with Mohamed Ag-Jar. It is noteworthy that Mukhtar is also a member of Shebelle Bank founders. Dahabshil of Somalia acquired 51% of Sahay, intending to gain full control in the future.

Of equal importance, Somali Region Microfinance is being integrated with Shabelle Bank. Hormud of Somalia is also the actual owner of E-Birr. The intense competition between Dahabshil and Hormud in Somalia is now transferring to the Somali Region. Assisting Mukhtar and Mohamed Ag-Jar, senior members of the regional government are colluding with Sahay and are presently challenging E-Birr. The issue of Dahabshil and E-Birr was thoroughly discussed in Hargiesa during the recent visit of Hussein Kasin and other prominent Isak officials in the regional government. These two entities control both financial and telecommunication services in Somalia and are deeply involved in the political crises there. It is evident that these entities cannot function without reaching compromises and making concessions with both international bodies that have stakes in Somalia and terrorist organizations.

Concerns arise regarding the integration of regional entities with external financial institutions, necessitating close scrutiny of potential security compromises resulting from such integration.

Similarly, family members and friends of Mr. Mustafa Omer, the regional president, are making significant efforts to financially benefit from his government role. Mohammed Omer, Mustafa's older brother, often seeks shares from contracts he facilitates for other contractors. Ali Taman, Aidarous, Najib Adan, Mohamud Abdishakur, Abdifatah Dahir, Ahmed Tinnish, and Guled Omer Jes, to name a few, all cousins and friends of Mustafa, were illicitly awarded contracts worth hundreds of millions from various Bureaus, such as Water Bureau, Irrigation, Leyu Enterprise, Road Authority, and more. Additionally, Shuja, a political associate of the president, was granted a water supply contract worth about 500 million Birr without proper procedure. The project cost was doubled without an increase in its Bill of Quantity. The process was completed in less than two hours after Mustafa directly (and regrettably brazenly) interfered. Other family members of the president are involved in the contraband market—importing goods from abroad without passing through customs. It is also noteworthy that Mr. Mustafa is capable of giving millions in cash to individuals he considers political allies.

It seems that the regional leaders and their associates prefer to govern in a situation where necessary institutions do not exist, allowing them to avoid accountability for their corrupt behavior, illegal acts.

Solutions

Somali region has been in a crisis for so long – and the longer a system is in a state of crisis, the less likely it is to successfully address the challenge and become operational. More importantly, it is essential to understand that during a crisis, the risk of making critical and irreparable mistakes increases significantly – as do operational costs. Therefore, in an ideal situation with functioning state institutions, the legislative branch of the regional government would have taken effective steps to steer the region away from plunging into crises. Similarly, in such a situation, the federal government could have detected the obvious signs that Somali region is badly failing and would have devised the necessary mechanisms for timely interventions.

However, in the real world of subservient regional council members and the relatively nascent and busy federal government institutions for which, perhaps, Somali region represents a very low priority, such foresight and timely actions are sorely lacking. This is despite the fact that proactive measures are commonly much less costly than dealing with the actual crisis. The regional council is expected of exercising its authority to oversee the dangerous actions of the executive branch, but even when they tried, their members got arrested. Likewise, the federal government and specifically the Prime Minister, is not only supposed, but strongly is strongly required to sufficiently focus on the deteriorating situation of the region before it morphs into a catastrophe that warrants a hasty but ineffective intervention.

First, there is a need to develop common understanding of the current situation of the region and the possible consequences (if left unattended) by the primary stakeholders . While Somalis in the region are not opposing the newly formed Prosperity Party, they have serious and legitimate concern over the Party’s representatives and their conducts in the region. Today ONLF is undoubtedly more popular than the ruling party and therefore corrective measures are necessary to be carried out before the election – if a genuine election is to take place. In this regard, a multipronged approach is necessary to ensure a stable and prosperous Somali region that is an integral part of the country. In the strategy, the role of the ruling party, the Federal Government, the regional council, different social groups (such as intellectuals, youth and women) are required to be detailed. It must be constitutional, strategic, time bound and acceptable to the majority of the stakeholders.

- Based on its political programme, the ruling party (Prosperity Party) is required to lead the process and seek to genuinely strengthen its standing in the region. Indeed, at this critical juncture in history, Somalis are interested in political stability and perhaps a modest governance.

Ali Samire sigad (former Somali region police commission deputy police commissione).✍🏻

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