Swazi Bridge News

08/01/2025

A very interesting history. Happy new year!!

(6 Aug 1982) RR8232 SWAZILAND: LAND DISPUTEBackground to Story: The South African government plans togive areas of the country designated as Black homelands ...

31/12/2024

THE BRIDGE PERSON OF THE YEAR IS...

In a political landscape where ministers often resemble mere figureheads, attending inconsequential ceremonies and lacking the ambition to steer government policy, it is rare to find a politician who truly embodies the essence of leadership. Eswatini's political system has frequently rendered ministers powerless, reducing them to glorified civil servants instead of agents of transformative change. Yet, in such an environment, the emergence of a political leader like Minister Savannah Maziya offers a much-needed breath of fresh air.

From the moment she assumed office as the Minister of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) last year, Minister Savannah Maziya has redefined what it means to serve. Drawing from her extensive private sector experience and leveraging her global networks, she has not only lived up to public expectations but exceeded them. Maziya stands as a testament to what visionary leadership can achieve, even within a system fraught with challenges. Come to think of it, one wouldn't expect a miracle from a Minister serving an undemocratic, repressive and backward regime without any intention to develop the people, but Savannah has tried her best given the limitations we all know. You can imagine what she can achieve in a people's government, given her work ethic and commitment to serve.

Through her flagship “Government in Your Hands” initiative, Minister Maziya has made a commitment to transforming service delivery by championing the use of cutting-edge IT and AI tools. Her efforts to modernize government processes are setting a new benchmark for efficiency and innovation. Her international outreach, including a recent visit to the United Arab Emirates, culminated in a pivotal Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that positions Eswatini on a global stage, fostering partnerships that promise tangible benefits for the nation.

Minister Maziya’s fearless leadership has been especially evident in her dealings with institutions like the Royal Science and Technology Park (RSTP) and Eswatini Post and Telecommunications (EPTC). Unafraid to confront mismanagement, she has demonstrated an uncompromising stance against corruption and inefficiency, boldly declaring that national resources must serve the people rather than those who abuse them. Who would have thought that a Swazi Minister can stand up against someone like the former CEO of the RSTP, Vumile Dlamini with all his royal blood and connections? Only Savannah Maziya, and boy, that woman cannot be bullied!

Her recent initiative to offer scholarships for 50 teachers to pursue ICT studies at Arizona State University through remote learning highlights her commitment to strengthening Eswatini’s education sector. By prioritizing digital literacy and equipping educators with critical ICT skills, she is ensuring that the future generation is ready to thrive in a technology-driven world.

In a country where the regulation of media has long been a contentious issue, Minister Maziya’s stance on self-regulation for the press sets her apart. She has openly championed the independence of the media while advocating for its financial sustainability, a rare and commendable move in modern governance. Her willingness to visit newsrooms and engage directly with journalists underscores her respect for the Fourth Estate as an essential pillar of society.

Minister Savannah Maziya epitomizes what Eswatini—and indeed the continent—needs in its leaders: courage, vision, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the people. Her ability to navigate the complexities of her role while driving meaningful change makes her a standout figure in the political arena.

As The Bridge editors and contributors convened to deliberate on this year’s Person of the Year, the decision was unanimous. Minister Maziya’s name rose to the top of the list, not merely as a nominee but as an undeniable force deserving of recognition.

As a publication committed to delivering insightful content, in-depth commentary, and detailed analysis, with a particular focus on public policy discourse, we were deeply impressed by Minister Maziya’s posture and comprehensive understanding of the task at hand.

Ladies and gentlemen, rise to your feet, hold your heads high, and join us in celebrating a leader who is redefining politics in Eswatini. It is with great pride that we announce The Bridge Person of the Year: Minister Savannah Maziya!

HAPPY NEW YEAR, DEAR READERS OF THE BRIDGE!!!

28/12/2024

TAKHONA HLATSHWAKO: THE SWAZI GENIUS CHANGING THE WORLD.

..........Takhona Hlatshwako is one of many Swazis in the diaspora flying the Kingdom's flag high.

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By staff reporter

Takhona Hlatshwako (22) has never wavered in her intent to use her public health knowledge to help her home of Eswatini, a southern African country devastated by HIV. But as the health conditions changed in her homeland (formerly known as Swaziland), so did her focus.

“I ended up not doing any of the courses I said I was going to do once I got the Rhodes,” said Hlatshwako, who earned a bachelor’s degree in health policy and management from the Gillings School of Global Health. She wound up using her prestigious Rhodes Scholarship to earn two advanced degrees from Oxford University in England, one focused on global epidemiology research and the other on social and health policy.

“The reason I went into public health was seeing an epidemic ravage my community. But what we’re seeing now is a rise in noncommunicable diseases,” she said. To handle these illnesses — cancer, heart disease, diabetes —a country needs a strong health system and other resources. Low-wealth countries dealing with infectious diseases like HIV or COVID-19 at the same time face the hardest challenges.

“How do we tackle the double burden of communicable diseases and noncommunicable diseases? That’s really where my mind’s at right now,” Hlatshwako said. “I hope to have opportunities to explore that further through the doctoral program.”

Hlathswako used a Rhodes scholarship to earn two advanced degrees from Oxford University in England, and is now back at Gillings School of Global Public Health

For that, Hlatshwako is returning to Gillings, where she studied public health as an undergraduate, now as a member of the prestigious Royster Society of Fellows.

So how does someone who grew up more than 8,000 miles away from Chapel Hill find her way to Carolina? “I would say it was serendipity, and things worked so well in my favor,” Hlatshwako said.

Her journey began in another country — Armenia. Hlatshwako received a full scholarship to attend United World College Dilijan for her last two years of high school so she could earn an international baccalaureate.

Hlatshwako told the college admissions adviser there that she wanted to study public health, but she’d have to get a full ride. The adviser told her about the Morehead-Cain, Carolina’s fully funded merit scholarship modeled on Oxford’s Rhodes, and later nominated Hlatshwako for it.

“The reason I say it was serendipity is that it just so happened that Carolina has one of the best public health schools in the world,” Hlatshwako said. “The fact that those two things came together quite beautifully, I just knew in my heart that’s where I was meant to go.”

Hlatshwako hasn’t been back to Carolina or even the U.S. since receiving the Rhodes, but it will feel like home when she returns in just a few days. “A PhD is such a big commitment. It’s a five-year-long project,” she said. “So going back to a place where I have a sense of community and professors and mentors who have already supported me — it was a no-brainer, really.”

Professionally, she appreciates Carolina’s “robust research environment.” As an undergraduate, she worked in research at Gillings, with the Carolina Population Center and the Institute for Global Health and Infectious Diseases. “There was a vibrancy in the air when it came to research,” she recalled in a Zoom interview from Eswatini. “There were always opportunities to get plugged in as a research assistant and so many professors working on so many interesting things.”

NB: Article sourced from UNC- Chapel Hill

23/12/2024

THE END OF AN ERA FOR DAILY SUN AND NEWS24 TITLES: WHAT ARE LESSONS FOR ESWATINI MEDIA?

By Nkosingiphile Dlamini (Digital journalism student)

The recent end of the print version of South African publications like Daily Sun and City Press signals a seismic shift in the country’s media landscape. Once dominant forces in mass communication, these outlets have struggled to survive in a rapidly changing digital environment. Their demise underscores a broader trend affecting traditional print media globally, as consumer habits, technological advancements, and economic pressures reshape the industry.

Key factors have driven the decline of these iconic publications. The most apparent is the shift in audience preferences. With the rise of smartphones and internet access, more South Africans consume news digitally, bypassing physical newspapers altogether. This trend has been compounded by advertisers diverting their spending to digital platforms like Facebook and Google, which offer precision-targeted marketing at a fraction of the cost of print ads.

Print publications have also faced rising operational costs, particularly in printing and distribution. Many outlets were slow to adapt to digital trends or failed to innovate effectively, losing relevance among younger, tech-savvy audiences. Meanwhile, digital-only platforms such as Daily Maverick and News24 have capitalized on this void, offering real-time, multimedia-rich content often for free or at minimal cost.

In Eswatini, the challenges confronting print media are eerily similar, though the context differs. Newspapers like the Times of Eswatini and the Swazi Observer continue to have a loyal readership, but the proliferation of smartphones and growing internet pe*******on are gradually shifting the way Swazis consume information. This transition presents both opportunities and threats to the country’s media landscape.

The last Audit Bureau of Circulations stastistics indicate that the circulation of the Times is sitting at just above 10 000 while even lower for the Tibiyo owned Swazi Observer. One needs to read the Weekend Observer to see the "empty" pages full stories with no corresponding adverts to see how difficult life is for these newspapers. This is true of the Times too hence reports that the newspaper is being sold. There has been very poor efforts for a newspaper as big as the Times to innovate and migrate to the digital space meaningfully and to creatively generate revenue online.

The shift to digital offers a (financial) opportunity to reach wider audiences, including Swazis living abroad. Digital-first strategies can also reduce operational costs tied to printing and distribution, allowing publishers to reinvest in content and innovation. Engaging younger audiences is another benefit, as digital platforms allow for interactive and multimedia storytelling. Additionally, online advertising holds significant potential for revenue generation, though competition remains stiff.

However, the challenges of going digital are considerable. Limited internet access and low digital literacy in rural areas mean that many Swazis still rely on print media. Social media platforms like Facebook and WhatsApp dominate the local information-sharing space, often sidelining traditional media. The rise of unregulated digital platforms has also contributed to the spread of misinformation, undermining trust in professional journalism. Furthermore, transitioning to digital does not guarantee financial sustainability. Many readers are resistant to paywalls, and digital advertising revenue is far from a sure bet.

For print media in Eswatini to remain viable, publishers must adopt hybrid models that cater to both print and digital audiences while gradually transitioning readers online. Hyperlocal reporting, investigative journalism, and niche content could provide a unique value proposition in a crowded digital marketplace. Media houses should also leverage analytics to understand reader preferences and improve engagement.

The digital sphere offers exciting opportunities for Eswatini’s media industry, including multimedia storytelling through podcasts, videos, and infographics. Optimizing content for mobile devices is essential, as smartphones become the primary means of accessing information. Collaborations with regional outlets could also broaden the reach and resources of Eswatini’s media.

Supportive policies and infrastructure investment will be critical to navigating this transition. The government must uphold press freedom and expand internet access to ensure media outlets can adapt successfully. Media organizations, in turn, must explore innovative business models such as subscriptions, crowdfunding, or syndication agreements to sustain their operations.

The collapse of print media giants in South Africa serves as a cautionary tale for Eswatini. While the shift to digital presents undeniable opportunities, it requires a careful balance between innovation and meeting the unique needs of the local audience. By embracing change and prioritizing quality journalism, Eswatini’s media can remain a vital force in shaping public discourse for years to come.

21/12/2024

REVOLUTIONARY CHRISTMAS FOR CPS ACTIVISTS AS SUMMER SCHOOL KICKS OFF
....For over 10 years CPS activists have not enjoyed christmas with their families as they must gather for their summer school

By Staff Reporter

For five consecutive years, Bongani Mamba*, a passionate youth activist who cut his teeth in the Swaziland National Union of Students (SNUS), has packed a small bag, bid farewell to his family, and traded the festive glow of Christmas for the austere classrooms of South African schools. While others feast on roast meat and exchange gifts, Mamba immerses himself in Marxist theory and rigorous debate at the Communist Party of Swaziland (CPS) Summer School, now running for over a decade.

“Christmas has become just another capitalist ritual,” Mamba explains with conviction. “At the Summer School, we are building the tools to dismantle oppression and build a fairer society. That’s the greatest gift I can give my family—and my country.”

The CPS, which emerged over a decade ago as a breakaway from the People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), has since forged an independent identity as Eswatini’s most uncompromising socialist movement. While most in the democratic camp exhibit policy vacillation on issues such as land, the monarchy, or the economy, the CPS has zeroed in on dismantling the monarchy and the entire feudalist structure of the kingdom. The party draws in young, idealistic followers with its unapologetically revolutionary stance.

“All other parties have their place,” says a CPS member, “but the CPS is the true vanguard for socialism. We don’t shy away from saying the monarchy must go—and we have the discipline and ideology to make it happen.”

The CPS Summer School is more than an event; it’s a tradition. For over 10 years, it has been held religiously every December, regardless of financial constraints. The setting is always modest: participants sleep in school classrooms, dine on bread and juice or simple home-cooked meals, and spend their days engrossed in lectures, workshops, and strategy sessions. No fancy hotels or expensive caterers, which is both a positive and a negative.

This unrelenting discipline is a hallmark of CPS Secretary General Kenny Kunene's political life. Steeped in Marxist-Leninist traditions, Kunene is the driving force behind the party’s consistency and focus.

“Kenny Kunene is the CPS,” says Sipho Dlamini, a regular attendee of the Summer School. “He’s tireless, principled, and laser-focused on the fight against the monarchy. Under his leadership, the CPS has eclipsed other parties in influence, especially within the ANC alliance in South Africa. He’s shown that a small, disciplined party can punch far above its weight.”

For many participants, the Summer School is a transformative experience. The CPS has never been obsessed with building a mass party with huge membership but seeks to develop a core of ideologically grounded activists who, in turn, influence the entire Mass Democratic Movement and, by extension, the larger society.

This explains how, despite their small size, CPS members "control" the student movement and increasingly unions. In fact, their members are either leading or highly influential in all the country’s public sector unions. The Summer Schools, therefore, acts as preparatory grounds for young activists, with their long days of study and debate balanced by a shared sense of purpose and camaraderie.

“We’re not here for luxury,” says Thando Mkhabela, a first-time attendee. “We’re here to learn, to grow, and to prepare for the struggle ahead. Missing Christmas with my family is hard, but I know they understand why I’m here. This is about building a future where no child has to grow up under a feudal monarchy.”

The excitement is palpable among the young activists. “It’s like a boot camp for revolutionaries,” says one participant with a grin. “We come out sharper, more disciplined, and ready to take the fight back home.” Despite its success, the Summer School has not been without its controversies. Some past participants have accused Kunene and CPS Chairperson Khetsiwe Mabaso of being overly strict, with allegations of temperamental behavior and even physical altercations surfacing. This has led to the CPS losing members at the same rate as it builds them.

Allegations of Kunene beating Mabaso during a domestic dispute, despite being handled with political excellency by the party by sparing no holy cows, have undermined the CPS's credibility. “It’s tough love, the leadership has to enforce discipline and protect the party from infiltration using all means possible” one veteran attendee explains. “The CPS doesn’t coddle anyone. Some people find it too much and don’t return. But for those who can handle it, the experience is life-changing.”

The CPS’s ability to hold the Summer School every year, often with minimal resources, is a testament to the party’s resilience and commitment. It’s the same discipline and consistency that has seen the party host regular Zoom political schools for years, covering different topics weekly, even if only three people join the meeting.

“Our resources are limited,” says Mkhabela, “but our determination isn’t. We don’t need fancy hotels or expensive catering. What we have is enough because our mission is bigger than material comforts.”

While the rest of the country celebrates Christmas, these young revolutionaries are preparing for a future where justice, equality, and socialism take center stage. For them, this is the true spirit of the season.

NB: * Not real name

20/12/2024

TIME TO SCRAP OFF THE JC EXAMINATION

By Mancoba Mabuza (Guest Writer), 20 December 2024

Today, the country's media announced that the Honourable Minister for Education and Training, Owen Nxumalo, is highly likely to announced the Junior Certificate (JC) examination results in the coming week. This exam is written by Form 3 students.

I have a deep-seated concern about this examination whose time is over and its relevance highly questionable. One is aware of the efforts by the then Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini led government to scrap off this examination and allow students to go all the way to Form 5 without a meaningless examination that has become a financial burden to the government and parents / guardians.

Quite honestly, our education system, like many of its colonial relics, is in dire need of revolutionary reform. One of the most glaring inefficiencies embedded in our system is the JC examination, a vestige of an antiquated colonial framework that continues to extract resources from already impoverished families while offering no substantive value to the working class and the poor.

The JC exam, an externally coordinated examination conducted by the Examination Council at Form 3, is positioned as a mid-way checkpoint in the five-year high school cycle. Parents and guardians are required to pay examination fees, ostensibly to facilitate external marking and grading. However, when we evaluate its relevance in today’s educational and socio-economic context, it becomes incontrovertibly clear that this examination serves no transformative purpose. Instead, it perpetuates the systemic exploitation of the proletariat by the state apparatus.

To understand the existence of the JC exam, one must examine the historical trajectory of education under colonialism. The education system in many African states was not designed to empower the masses but to create a compliant workforce for colonial administrators and capitalists. The JC examination, introduced as part of this framework, was never intended to advance critical thinking or holistic development; it was a mechanism to filter and categorize labour for the capitalist economy.

Today, Eswatini continues to cling to this colonial artifact, ignoring global shifts toward streamlined education systems. In most countries, the high school curriculum is designed to culminate in a single examination that transitions students directly to tertiary education. Why, then, does eSwatini persist in maintaining an additional, redundant examination that imposes financial and emotional burdens on students and their families, as well as the government?

The JC examination is a manifestation of the state’s complicity in perpetuating class stratification. By requiring families to pay for this unnecessary examination, the government reinforces economic barriers that disproportionately affect the working class. For a nation affected by high unemployment rates, poverty, and inequality, the financial strain of JC fees is another blow to the proletariat, whose children are already disadvantaged in accessing quality education.

The emotional toll on students cannot be overstated. The pressure to perform well in an examination that ultimately holds no bearing on their future prospects diverts their focus from meaningful learning. Instead of nurturing critical thinking, creativity, and problem-solving skills, the JC examination reduces education to rote memorization and regurgitation, producing a workforce ill-prepared for the demands of the 21st century.

The existence of the Form 5 examination, which determines university or college entrance eligibility, renders the JC examination obsolete. Already, the Form 5 examination is the ultimate assessment of a student’s academic journey through high school. Why, then, must we subject students to an additional examination midway through their studies? And, by the way, this is not to be found in private international schools where children of the elites in our country and elsewhere go. The answer lies in the state’s unwillingness to dismantle systems that sustain its bureaucratic machinery and siphon resources from the masses.

Indisputably, the JC examination serves no purpose beyond maintaining the illusion of a rigorous education system. In reality, it is a redundant exercise that diverts resources and attention from meaningful educational reforms. Abolishing the JC examination would free up funds that could be redirected towards improving school infrastructure, teacher training, and access to learning materials—areas where our country's education system is critically lacking.

Education should serve as a tool to equip the working class with the knowledge and skills needed to dismantle backward systems and build a civilized society. Countries like Cuba have demonstrated the transformative power of education systems that prioritize equity, critical thinking, and practical skills over arbitrary examinations. This should inspire us to create an education system that empowers our citizens to build a more equitable society.

Minister Owen should therefore be a pioneer of confronting the inefficiencies and injustices of the JC examination. This relic of colonialism must be abolished, and the resources currently allocated to its administration should be redirected towards creating an education system that truly serves Emaswati.

Our government and its institutions, educators, parents, and students should all work towards abolishing the JC examination. We should work towards educational reforms that will lead to a more productive society.

14/12/2024

YUKI PAYS EMOTIONAL TRIBUTE TO PITSO FOR HELPING BUILD HIS FAMILY A HOUSE.
....Masina Praises Pitso Mosimane as a Life-Changing Mentor

By Staff reporter

In a heartfelt interview on Radio 2000, former eSwatini football star turned businessman Dennis "Yuki" Masina revealed how coach Pitso Mosimane not only shaped his football career but also transformed his personal life. Masina, known for his skill and flair on the pitch, credited Mosimane for guiding him toward making responsible life decisions and ensuring his family’s future stability.

“When I signed for SuperSport United, Coach Pitso asked my father if we had a house, and he said no,” Masina shared. “He then took my signing-on fee, gave it to a contractor, and had a house built back home. Today, we still live in that house.”

Mosimane’s influence went beyond financial advice. Masina recalled how the coach encouraged him to stay grounded despite the temptations of success. “He told me not to compete with the local boys by buying flashy cars. He reminded me of where I came from, and that was the best decision ever.”

Mosimane, now an internationally celebrated coach, responded emotionally to Masina’s tribute. “Yuki just made me drop a tear,” he said, highlighting the player’s talent and unique abilities on the field. “Yuki could play in any attacking position. He was difficult to defend, slippery, and unpredictable. In Soweto, we call such players ‘Bambelela Siya Jika’—a player who keeps defenders guessing.”

Mosimane’s mentorship of Masina was part of a broader philosophy of fostering not just great players but responsible individuals. He recounted a story of recruiting players from the Transnet Sports School of Excellence, such as Masina, in unconventional ways. “I asked Steve Pila, Shoes Mazibuko, and James Mabena to loan me players for a week. I didn’t return them until I gave them a cheque as compensation,” he joked, underscoring his resourceful approach to building teams.

Supported by influential figures like SuperSport United chairman Khulu Sibiya and administrators like Lazarus Zim and Imtiaz Patel, Mosimane’s efforts went beyond winning matches. His mentorship laid the foundation for players like Masina to thrive on and off the pitch.

Masina also reminisced about Mosimane’s tactical genius and his role in SuperSport United’s dominance during the early 2000s. He referred to the iconic 3-0 win over Kaizer Chiefs, where the term “soek soek” was coined. The phrase became synonymous with SuperSport’s unpredictable and dynamic style of play under Mosimane’s leadership.

Masina's interview was on Radio 2000 while Mosimane's responses were shared on X.

13/12/2024

2024 IN THE EYES OF THE MEDIA (PART 1)

.......A Year of Crisis, Chaos, and Credibility Erosion

By Editorial Comment

As the year draws to a close, Eswatini’s 2024 calendar reads like a textbook of turmoil. From the political stage to social media wars, failing institutions, and frustrated workers, the events of this year have left many citizens questioning the country’s direction. Below, we analyze the major stories/events that shaped 2024 in Eswatini, exposing the cracks in leadership, media, and civic organizations.

1.SNAT’s Digital Transformation: Elevating Teachers Amidst Chaos

The Swaziland National Association of Teachers (SNAT) found an unlikely platform to make teachers feel important: Facebook. SNAT turned its page into a hub of validation for teachers, reminding the public of their role as society’s bedrock. All teachers in Eswatini seemed to need was to feel appreciated: a metaphorical hug, a kiss on the forehead, and a simple affirmation of their worth and to be told "you are loved."

We now know our teachers don’t need much; they need a Minister that has an open line with their union, who comes to their events and dances with them, and someone who negotiates for salary adjustments in good faith. And Minister Owen Nxumalo did just that. Who would have thought just posting teachers on Facebook in their colourful T-shirts would have them so excited? Calling them "Valued Members" proved a simple yet effective gesture, injecting pride into the profession. Through storytelling, teacher profiles, and highlighting academic achievements, SNAT humanized its members while subtly positioning them as pillars of hope in a crumbling social fabric. It was a refreshing narrative in a year otherwise dominated by negativity.

2. Progressives Imploding on Social Media

The progressive movement, long seen as a counterbalance to the monarchy’s rule, spent 2024 in a spiral of self-destruction. All you needed to know about those calling for an alternative future of this country played itself out on social media for all to see. No one needs convincing who is who in the jungle anymore or what each group represents. Social media became their battleground, with factions hurling insults, accusations, and counter-accusations.

It became difficult to separate truth from propaganda, leaving Swazis bewildered by the fluid alliances and ever-shifting narratives. In fact, if you want an entertaining soap opera from the progressives, you just need to know which accounts to follow on Facebook—provided you don't get confused by their ever changing allegiances. One minute so-and-so is a darling; tomorrow, an enemy; the next minute they support party A, and tomorrow party B. These characters are now the uofficial public faces of their chosen political parties and provide a window into the thinking of their principals.

Instead of presenting solutions to Eswatini's pressing issues—such as unemployment, poverty, and underdevelopment—the progressives focused on vilifying exposing each other's criminality in the name of activism. This only just confirmed the struggle has no short supply of double agents and also just how close the country was from moving from the pot to the fire. The movement, once seen as a beacon of hope, ended the year with diminished credibility, unable to rally the nation behind a coherent vision for change. If anything, sensible observers kept wondering who is capable of even belling the cat as different factions sought to outdo each other on insults, accusations, and downright lies. It will take some time for the silent yet observing majority to believe in the same people they have watched discredit each other with such reckless abandon.

Perhaps, Matthew 7:15-20 seems eerily relevant:
"Beware of false prophets... By their fruits, you will know them." But who else can gospel the progressives into mending their ways if even the nation's favourite spokerson turned wanna be pastor has thrown in the towel. The soupy continues!

3. Prime Minister’s Media Fallout

Prime Minister Russel Dlamini’s strained relationship with the media came to a head this year, with a particularly public feud with The Nation editor Bheki Makhubu. The spat highlighted deeper tensions between government and independent journalism. Dlamini accused the press of bias and sensationalism, while Makhubu fired back with accusations of authoritarianism and a lack of accountability. This clash symbolized the growing divide between the state and the press in an era where information is power.

The fact that the breakfast meetings were abruptly ended at the heat of the moment spoke to the lack of emotional intelligence from our Premier, allowing himself to be poked by the media and then falling for it. The breakfast meeting also gave us a cameo peek into the power play within Cabinet, as shown by the actions of Ministers Neil and Mancoba Khumalo during the tense standoff between the Prime Minister and Bheki Makhubu. Rumours of insubordination of the PM or being undermined by the more experienced Cabinet cabal led by Neil seemed to be confirmed.

4. The UNESWA Crisis: An Institution in Decline

The University of Eswatini (UNESWA) continued its descent into dysfunction. Recurrent strikes, salary delays, and a lack of resources painted a grim picture. Government officials blamed mismanagement, while university leadership pointed fingers at inadequate funding. The result? A disillusioned student body and an eroded reputation for what was once Eswatini’s premier institution of higher learning. While government must be commended for appointing the Muzi Siyaya-led commission of inquiry, questions still need to be asked about the management of the university. Yes, we can blame government, but the university management is oftentimes allowed to get away with murder.

5. Partisan Online Media: Propaganda Over Journalism

Eswatini’s online media has devolved into a battleground of political propaganda, oftentimes puppet-mastered by factions of the feuding political parties. The democratization of (online) media ownership once heralded opportunities for alternatives to state-controlled outlets. However, these pages (because some are not media houses) have become mouthpieces for political factions and are clearly partisan, openly pushing agendas of their political handlers in the name of journalism. The death of Bheka Magagula, the poisoning of Mlungisi Makhanya and the Mduduzi Magawugawu Simelane prayer event at KaMhlushwa just proved beyond any shadow of doubt how deeply factional, vengeful and unethical the online media is. Their reporting on these events bordered on insulting the collective intelligence of the nation.

Accusations of bias, lies, and narrative construction abound, with each outlet appearing to serve its shadowy principals with no respect for the basics of journalism—the truth. Ironically, the very criticisms progressives leveled against traditional media are now their own undoing. Objectivity, fairness and impartiality seem to have taken a backseat to agendas and personal vendettas. The agenda is never to inform or educate but to pander to the worse vices of society and providing a platform to slander their chosen villians while sanitising their favourites. The first rule of journalism is that the journalist is never the story but not to our online spaces. Nothing in their works talks to journalism or ethics. And Swazis love gossip and cheap controversy to a point that some openly dislike well informed and nuanced perspectives instead prefer sensationalism, slander and gossip. At best they seek easy answers to complex problems and therein lies the rub!

And the owners of these pages understand this very well hence have no interest in ethics and truth as long as they can click bait people into one million comments. Perhaps the Times and Observer are doing what the online pages do except they report to a different master. So we can conclude then that each to his Master and no more accusing others of embedded journalism in 2025. Cry the journalism profession.

6. May Day Mayhem: TUCOSWA vs. the Prime Minister

The Workers’ Day celebrations turned into a spectacle of chaos as TUCOSWA clashed with the Prime Minister. Party-aligned activists disrupted the event, testing the independence of the trade union movement, especially the right to make independent decisions. While the activists appeared undisciplined and juvenile, the Prime Minister emerged looking like a victim of political opportunism. The incident was a microcosm of Eswatini’s political immaturity, where dialogue is replaced with drama and also shows government why years of antagonising workers was always goig to create such hostile environments. On the othe hand the return of SNAT President Mbongwa to work after a court verdict showed that trade unionism is not a sin and that the courts can still be used for Judicial activism Perhaps it is about time the courts also helped bring back Stick Nkambule from exile because his persecution is just unjustifiable.

7. Football in Crisis: Leadership Deficiencies on Display

Eswatini’s football scene mirrored the broader crisis of leadership. The struggles at Mbabane Swallows and Manzini Wanderers highlighted poor management and infighting. Fans, once united by their love for the game, have grown disillusioned as the sport’s potential to inspire and uplift is squandered by shortsighted leadership. The crisis at Mbabane Swallows exposed the fragility of the big man syndrome, where an institution relies on the brilliance of one powerful leader without creating systems, processes—including of succession—that can ensure that organizations don’t collapse into factions when the strong leader leaves or dies. Sihlangu continues to disappoint while Manzini Wanderers just need to swallow their pride and go and rebuild ka Mkhwenyana.

8. Judiciary and Police Frustration

Junior police officers and magistrates faced 2024 without contracts, proper pay, or acknowledgment of their plight. The lack of a Judicial Service Commission (JSC) further highlighted the government’s neglect of its first line of defense. These frustrations are a ticking time bomb, emblematic of a state that is failing its most critical personnel. 2024 taught us the bravery of young officers who are courageous standing for their rights amid the threats and intimidation. Ans the dismissive arrogance of the government is playing with fire. Not when these officers did all their dirty job in 2021 and are thanked with p**p.