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Tariff Hikes in Eswatini: A Crushing Blow to the Most VulnerableEditorial | November 07 2024The proposed tariff hikes by...
07/11/2024

Tariff Hikes in Eswatini: A Crushing Blow to the Most Vulnerable

Editorial | November 07 2024

The proposed tariff hikes by the Eswatini Water Services Corporation (EWSC) and the Eswatini Electricity Company (EEC) have ignited a firestorm of debate across the Kingdom. As editor of this publication, I believe it is imperative to delve into the implications of these increases, particularly for the most vulnerable members of our society.

Let's begin by revisiting the plight of ordinary Swazis who previously lacked access to electricity. Thanks to the commendable Taiwan initiative, many homes were illuminated for the first time. However, the proposed tariff hike casts a shadow on this progress. How can those who barely afford the current rates be expected to shoulder an additional burden?

Consider also the small businesses struggling to stay afloat in our challenging economic climate. The mandatory monthly fee of E217.00 for facility charge, irrespective of actual consumption, is a bitter pill to swallow. A salon, for instance, consumes far less electricity than a welding workshop. Why then should they be subjected to the same tariff?

On October 30, 2024, the House of Assembly approved a 12 percent water tariff hike, staggered over the next three years. While the EWSC's desire to expand services to rural communities is laudable, it should not come at the expense of consumers. The government has a fundamental responsibility to provide essential services to its citizens. Shifting this burden onto the shoulders of those already struggling is a dereliction of duty.

This begs the question: is the government of Eswatini truly aware of its own existence and the hardships faced by its people? The approval of the water tariff hike by parliamentarians, who are supposed to be the voice of the people, is a slap in the face to every Swazi. With over 70 percent of the population living below the poverty line, staggering unemployment rates, a collapsing health system, and a struggling education sector, one wonders where we are headed as a nation.

The proposed tariff hikes are not merely economic issues; they are a reflection of a deeper malaise within our society. They highlight the disconnect between the government and the people it is meant to serve. It is time for our leaders to wake up and take decisive action to address the pressing needs of the nation. The future of Eswatini hangs in the balance.

Breaking NewsFormer Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) Chairperson, Advocate Dali Mpofu, has joined the uMkhonto we Sizwe (...
07/11/2024

Breaking News

Former Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) Chairperson, Advocate Dali Mpofu, has joined the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) Party.

NOW THAT TRUMP IS SET TO WIN USA 2024 ELECTIONS WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR AFRICA AND SMALL ESWATINI?By Dr Sihle Dlamini A Tr...
06/11/2024

NOW THAT TRUMP IS SET TO WIN USA 2024 ELECTIONS WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR AFRICA AND SMALL ESWATINI?

By Dr Sihle Dlamini

A Trump victory in the 2024 U.S. presidential election would likely bring a mixed bag of impacts for Eswatini and Africa, with notable implications for aid, economic ties, and diplomatic dynamics. Unlike previous U.S. administrations that have engaged Africa with an emphasis on development, democracy, and diplomacy, Trump’s foreign policy focuses heavily on American interests, often sidelining regions without immediate strategic value to the United States. Here’s a closer look at what a Trump 2024 win could mean for Eswatini and the broader African continent.

Under Trump’s "America First" policy, we could expect a reduction in American foreign aid to Africa, which could impact critical health, education, and infrastructure projects across the continent. While Eswatini might not be among the largest recipients of U.S. aid, it benefits from programs targeting health crises, particularly through the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which supports HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment.

Cuts in programs like PEPFAR would be devastating for Eswatini, which has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world. A reduction in U.S. health assistance would strain the country’s healthcare system and hinder its fight against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and other health challenges. Organisations like FLAS, from among others, stand at risk of reduced funding as Trump's policies clash with their main donor's policies.

For many African countries heavily reliant on U.S. aid, such cuts could exacerbate poverty, poor healthcare access, and education shortfalls. This could destabilize already fragile regions, with potential knock-on effects for Eswatini, which, as a small kingdom, is particularly vulnerable to disruptions in neighboring countries.

Limited Engagement and Diplomacy with Africa

In Trump’s first term, his administration largely overlooked Africa, with diplomatic engagements limited mainly to security cooperation and economic interests. Should he win in 2024, this tendency may continue, affecting Africa’s overall diplomatic ties with the U.S. Trump’s administration may deprioritize African issues within U.S. foreign policy. This means that Eswatini and other African nations would struggle to gain U.S. diplomatic attention for their development needs, political issues, or regional conflicts.

Trump may favor one-on-one deals over regional or multilateral engagement, which could benefit larger African nations with specific assets attractive to the U.S. but leave smaller countries like Eswatini with limited influence. This approach could further sideline countries without significant resources or strategic value to the U.S.

Trump’s previous administration took a transactional approach to diplomacy, often working with authoritarian regimes if they aligned with U.S. interests. A 2024 Trump administration might further diminish American support for democratic movements, human rights, and press freedom across Africa, which could embolden Eswatini’s monarchy and other African governments with limited democratic frameworks.

Trade and Economic Relations: A Pragmatic, Transactional Approach

Trump’s economic policy prioritizes American corporate interests, and his administration is less likely to focus on trade programs that broadly benefit African nations. Programs like the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which allows duty-free access to the U.S. market for eligible African products, may receive less attention or support under Trump.

While AGOA has been beneficial to many African economies, Trump has shown little interest in expanding it, potentially leading to its neglect. Eswatini, which exports goods like sugar and textiles under AGOA, could lose some of its access to the U.S. market if the agreement is not renewed or expanded.

Trump’s administration is likely to emphasize U.S. investments in Africa that serve American corporate interests, particularly in sectors like mining, oil, and gas. This approach may encourage investment in resource-rich African countries, but small, less resource-heavy countries like Eswatini could struggle to attract U.S. interest under a Trump presidency.

Security Cooperation: Limited to Counter-Terrorism

Trump’s foreign policy often prioritizes security in regions where terrorism poses a direct threat to U.S. interests. For Africa, this means continued support for counter-terrorism operations in the Sahel, Somalia, and parts of North Africa but with limited interest in broader stability initiatives. Eswatini, as a relatively stable country without significant terrorist threats, may receive little attention on this front.

Security Partnerships Based on U.S. Interests: U.S. support under Trump would likely focus on countries facing direct security threats from extremist groups, while other nations may struggle to secure American support for broader peace and stability initiatives. Trump’s transactional approach could mean that regional stability efforts or peacekeeping missions in Africa, particularly in Southern Africa, may receive reduced funding and attention. This might affect Eswatini if regional instability—such as in Mozambique or Zimbabwe—spills over, as Trump’s focus will likely be limited to direct American security interests.

The Geopolitical Implications for Africa: A Growing Role for China and Russia

A Trump 2024 presidency’s limited engagement in Africa would leave space for China and Russia to further expand their influence on the continent. Both powers have been investing heavily in Africa, with China focusing on infrastructure and economic development, while Russia targets military partnerships and strategic alliances. Trump’s disinterest could accelerate this shift:

As Trump’s administration reduces its footprint, China is likely to strengthen its economic grip on Africa. China’s extensive infrastructure projects, loans, and trade partnerships already make it a dominant player on the continent. For Eswatini, this could mean an intensified need to reconsider its longstanding support for Taiwan and explore options for more economic alignment with Beijing if U.S. support continues to wane.

Russia has been expanding its influence in Africa by supporting authoritarian regimes and offering military assistance through private security contractors like the Wagner Group. Trump’s disengagement from Africa could provide Russia with an opening to expand its military and strategic reach, particularly in countries with weaker U.S. ties or where the Kremlin can exploit regional conflicts.

As China and Russia grow more influential in Africa, African nations may find themselves in a dependency trap. The influx of Chinese loans and Russian security support could come with political strings attached, making African governments more beholden to these global powers and reducing their policy autonomy.

Implications for Eswatini’s Political Landscape

A Trump presidency could indirectly affect Eswatini’s political dynamics by deprioritizing democracy promotion and human rights advocacy. Trump’s transactional foreign policy stance may embolden Eswatini’s monarchy by removing the pressure often exerted by U.S. administrations on governance issues.

With Trump’s reduced emphasis on democracy and human rights, the Eswatini government may face fewer calls from the U.S. to undertake democratic reforms or protect press freedom. This could strengthen the monarchy’s hold and make it more resistant to local and international calls for political liberalization.

Eswatini’s pro-democracy movements, which have historically looked to international partners for support, might face a challenging environment under a Trump presidency. With U.S. backing reduced, activists and civil society organizations may struggle to gain international attention for their cause, giving the government more latitude to suppress dissent.

For Eswatini and much of Africa, a Trump 2024 presidency would mean navigating a U.S. foreign policy that is far less engaged, more narrowly focused on specific security concerns, and primarily interested in economic opportunities beneficial to American companies. Africa could find itself with limited leverage in the U.S., facing reduced development assistance, a disinterest in human rights, and a stronger focus on economic transactions.

As Washington scales back its involvement, Eswatini and other African nations will likely see China and Russia filling the vacuum, leading to an era of intensified influence by these powers on the continent. For Eswatini, the implications are stark: reduced diplomatic support from the U.S., the need to balance existing ties with Taiwan against the growing influence of Beijing, and a diminished capacity for pro-democracy forces to attract international support.

In this evolving geopolitical landscape, African nations, including Eswatini, will likely need to forge new alliances, strengthen internal resilience, and find ways to assert their autonomy as they navigate an increasingly multipolar world with less reliable support from traditional Western allies.

STAND UP ESWATINI AND CLAP HANDS FOR THE FIRST SWAZI TO HOLD A PHD IN URBAN PLANNING FROM UJBy UJ newsThe Faculty of Eng...
05/11/2024

STAND UP ESWATINI AND CLAP HANDS FOR THE FIRST SWAZI TO HOLD A PHD IN URBAN PLANNING FROM UJ

By UJ news

The Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment (FEBE) at the University of Johannesburg (UJ) has awarded the first PhD in Urban and Regional Planning to an Eswatini citizen, marking a historic milestone. Dr. Mhlalisi Mndzebele, a visionary urban planner and academic, has become the first LiSwati to achieve this qualification during the UJ’s summer graduation ceremony on 21 October 2024.

Under the supervision of UJ’s Prof Trynos Gumbo and Dr Nyasha Mutsindikwa, Dr. Mndzebele’s academic journey reflects a remarkable blend of innovative research, practical policy contributions, and a deep commitment to advancing sustainable urban development across Africa.

Dr. Mndzebele holds a Bachelor of Social Science in Housing and a Master of Science (MSc) in Town and Regional Planning from the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Pursuing his doctoral studies at UJ, his research focused on formalising informal settlements, using Mangwaneni in Manzini, Eswatini, as a case study.

His thesis produced the Urbanism Framework for Formalisation (FUFF), a model addressing urban informality challenges through five key pillars: pro-poor planning, community finance, public participation, flexible regulations, and a hybrid approach to upgrading. This framework merges local solutions with global best practices and reimagines urban informality as a vital component of city planning.

Dr. Mndzebele’s research offers insights that contribute to the New Urban Agenda and other development frameworks, providing practical applications for cities in developing countries.

In his role as a lecturer in UJ’s Department of Urban and Regional Planning, and in collaboration with the Department of Architecture, Dr. Mndzebele has inspired the next generation of urbanists. Under his mentorship, an undergraduate architecture class recently won the prestigious C40 Cities Competition 2024, underscoring his influence in sustainable city planning.

Registered as a candidate planner with the South African Council for Planners (SACPLAN), Dr. Mndzebele has been instrumental in policy development in Eswatini. He contributed to drafting sectional title regulations during his internship and is now helping shape the Eswatini Drought Management Plan, a key initiative for the country’s municipalities.

Reflecting on his PhD journey, Dr. Mndzebele commended UJ’s inclusive approach, noting the valuable teaching, mentorship, and research experiences that enriched his academic path as an international student.

Dr. Mndzebele’s contributions underscore UJ’s role in advancing inclusive and resilient urban planning for a sustainable future in Africa.

NB: The headline has been updated to make it clear that Dr Mndzebele is a first Swazi UJ student to have a Phd.

HISTORIC KAMHLUSHWA PRAYER FLEXES THE ORGANISATIONAL PROWERS OF SWALIMO AND POPULARITY OF GAWUZELABy Dudu Lushaba At the...
02/11/2024

HISTORIC KAMHLUSHWA PRAYER FLEXES THE ORGANISATIONAL PROWERS OF SWALIMO AND POPULARITY OF GAWUZELA

By Dudu Lushaba

At the foothills of KaMshushwa in South Africa, history was made. SWALIMO, led by exiled former Member of Parliament Mduduzi “Gawuzela” Simelane, hosted what many are calling the largest political gathering organized by an opposition party in Eswatini's history—albeit on foreign soil. The stage was set for an unforgettable show of strength and unity, and by every measure, the event delivered.

As crowds poured in, it became clear that this was no ordinary political rally. From the impeccably organized entry points to the flags and banners that adorned the venue, there was a sense of a carefully orchestrated movement in action. Every detail seemed designed to tell a story—a story of resistance, solidarity, and an unyielding desire for change.

Simelane’s flair for the theatrical was on full display from his army fatigue to his grand entrance marked by chants and cheers, his supporters waving SWALIMO flags high in the air, uniting under the symbols of hope he has come to represent. In true “Gawuzela” fashion, the former MP emerged surrounded by tight security and wild celebrations from excited crowds fully clad in the national colors of red, blue, and yellow illuminating his path to the podium.

Security and marshaling were handled with military-like precision, a testament to the meticulous planning and ex*****on by SWALIMO’s organizing committee. No one dared disrupt the atmosphere, where respect and discipline were palpable. Marshals, in vibrant green and yellow vests, guided attendees and maintained order, signaling that this was a new era of organized political defiance.

Even the choreography was seamless. Gospel singers and dancers, many donning SWALIMO’s insignia, electrified the crowd with powerful performances that mixed gospel music with political chants and slogans . The music, drums, and synchronized movements brought the crowd to its feet in chants of freedom and solidarity, a rhythmic affirmation of their shared cause. It was clear that the SWALIMO brand was not just political; it was cultural and religious, merging elements of entertainment and national pride with activism.

For days leading up to the event, rumors swirled that the Swazi government had taken measures to discourage attendance. Some claimed passports were canceled; others reported increased security at illegal border crossings to block attendees. Yet, defying these obstacles, thousands of Swazis crossed the border, bringing with them hope and a burning desire to witness this historic rally.

Despite attempts to stymie the event, international media attention poured in. News outlets and social media captured the rally from every angle, broadcasting images and footage that painted a picture of unity and resilience. Every voice amplified the call for a democratic Eswatini, adding pressure to a government that has often sought to silence dissent.

By the time Simelane took the podium, he stood before a sea of supporters who had risked everything to be there. His speech, full of fire and conviction, stirred the crowd, drawing cheers that echoed across the valley. “Today,” he declared, “we have shown the world that the spirit of the Swazi people cannot be caged.”

For SWALIMO, KaMshushwa was more than just a rally. It was a declaration of political sophistication, a coming together of parties and civil society in a show of unity that sent a powerful message. Simelane had not only hosted the biggest gathering in opposition history; he had cemented his reputation as an unparalleled organizer and a beacon of hope for those yearning for change in Eswatini.

The gathering was attended by political activists, supporters from various pro-democracy groups, and members of civil society, all rallying under one cause. Many attendees expressed hope and excitement over the event’s powerful message. “We have not seen this kind of unity in our lifetime,” said one attendee, Thabo Maseko. “It feels like the people are finally coming together for a shared purpose, and we can feel the momentum building for real change.”

During his address, Simelane reaffirmed the commitment of SWALIMO and the broader democratic movement to fight for a new Eswatini where freedom and human rights are respected. “We are here to make it clear that we will not be silenced,” he said passionately, to resounding applause. “The people of Eswatini deserve a country where everyone’s voice matters, not just those of a privileged few.”

Simelane’s speech was received with great enthusiasm, particularly as he emphasized the role of the church in supporting the movement. In recent months, religious leaders in Eswatini have shown a renewed willingness to speak out against the political status quo. At KaMhlushwa, leaders from various church denominations prayed for peace and justice, with one pastor stating, “It is our duty as the church to stand with the people. We cannot remain silent when our country needs us most.”

The involvement of the church was highlighted by attendees as a pivotal moment in the struggle for democracy. “The church is finally stepping up and standing with the people. This is exactly what we need to inspire and unify our efforts,” said Nontobeko Dlamini, a youth activist from Manzini.

As the rally concluded, the atmosphere was one of hope and anticipation. “We are making history today,” said an elderly woman in attendance. “Our children and grandchildren will live in a different Eswatini because of what we are doing here.”

The event stands as a milestone in the democratic movement’s journey, with the Mass Democratic Movement unified, the church now vocally supportive, and a leader like Simelane calling for change — a testament to the growing strength of those fighting for a democratic Eswatini.

If Gawuzela could draw such crowds in foreign lands one can only ask; imagine if he was inside eSwatini?

https://swazibridge.com/article/index.php?iywtrre=e1Gi

COUNT DOWN TO THE USA ELECTIONS: ALL YOU NEED TO KNOW ABOUT THE ELECTIONSBy Staff reporter Tens of millions of voters in...
01/11/2024

COUNT DOWN TO THE USA ELECTIONS: ALL YOU NEED TO KNOW ABOUT THE ELECTIONS

By Staff reporter

Tens of millions of voters in the United States are heading to the polls next week for the 2024 US presidential election.

The vote, held on 5 November, has gripped much of the world’s attention in recent months and could have a significant impact on the global economy. The election could also have major consequences on international issues ranging from the climate crisis to the reorientation of global supply chains.

But how exactly do Americans pick their president? Here’s what to know about how US presidential elections work.

Hitting the polls

Elections for the US president and vice president occur every four years. The vote follows a lengthy primary process in which the two major political parties—the Democratic Party and the Republican Party—choose a candidate through state caucuses and primary votes. Party delegates from all 50 US states then officially nominate the candidate at a national nominating convention.

This year, the Republican candidate is former President Donald Trump and the Democratic candidate is current Vice President Kamala Harris. Harris formally became the Democratic nominee in August after current President Joe Biden ended his bid for re-election in late July.

For months, the two nominees have been courting voters, urging them to vote early and show up on election day: Tuesday, 5 November 2024.

The date of the election stems from a rule that the US Congress enacted in 1845 that mandated that US states appoint presidential electors every four years on “the Tuesday next after the first Monday in the month of November.” At the time, the US was a largely agrarian country so the early-November date allowed the handful of Americans who could vote at the time to access the polls after the autumn harvest and before the onset of winter.

Today, Americans must register to vote in their home state ahead of the election. They can then mail in an absentee ballot, vote early at a designated polling place or vote on election day.

The Electoral College

The election of the US president is not decided through a direct popular vote. Instead, presidential elections use a process known as the Electoral College.

In this system, each of the 50 US states is allocated a number of electoral votes based on their representation in the US Congress. California, for instance, has 54 electoral votes while Wyoming has three; the total number of electoral votes is 538.

When voters cast their ballots, they are in fact voting for a slate of state electors that are pledged to their chosen candidate.

In most states, the candidate who receives the majority of the popular vote wins all of the state’s electoral votes. This is known as the winner-takes-all system. Two states, Maine and Nebraska, use a proportional allocation system to award electoral votes. A candidate must receive a majority of electoral votes (270 or more) to win the presidency.

Given that each state has different rules on how to count the votes, the election results may not be finalised until several days, if not weeks, after the election.

Following the election, the state electors will gather in their state capitals to formally cast their votes for president and vice president. Then, in January, a joint session of Congress is held to certify the election results. The next US president will take office on 20 January 2025.

The Electoral College, which was established in the US Constitution, has been the subject of much debate given that the process can lead to candidates losing the popular vote but winning the electoral vote. This scenario occurred in the elections of 2016 and 2000 as well as three times in the 1800s.

In recent years, voter turnout in the US has increased. In 2020, for instance, over 158 million people voted in the presidential election. The turnout marked 65.9% of the voting age population and a significant increase from the 59.2% seen in 2016.

'Ideological and cultural divisions'

The US presidential vote comes in a historic year for elections, with more than 2 billion people in 50 countries heading to the polls in 2024. The vote also comes as experts are increasingly sounding the alarm on political and societal polarization in the US and around the world.

The World Economic Forum’s 2024 Global Risks Report defines societal polarization as “ideological and cultural divisions within and across communities leading to declining social stability, gridlocks in decision-making, economic disruption and increased political polarization.”

The report found that societal polarization ranks among the top three most severe risks presently and over a two-year time horizon. Over a 10-year period, polarization falls to the ninth most severe risk.

The report adds that societal polarization was a “consistent concern across nearly all stakeholder groupings.”

NB: Additional reporting sourced from World Economic Forum website

SHOCKING POLITICAL EARTHQUAKE IN BOTSWANA AS RULING PARTY LOSES ELECTIONSBy Al JazeeraBotswana’s governing party has suf...
01/11/2024

SHOCKING POLITICAL EARTHQUAKE IN BOTSWANA AS RULING PARTY LOSES ELECTIONS

By Al Jazeera

Botswana’s governing party has suffered a shock election defeat after nearly six decades in power, preliminary election results show.

President Mokgweetsi Masisi’s Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) lost its grip on power on Friday after opposition parties won at least 35 of 61 seats in parliament, tallies released by the electoral commission showed.

The BDP, which has governed the diamond-rich Southern African nation since 1966, had won only just one seat as of early Friday morning.

Umbrella for Democratic Change, led by Harvard University-trained human rights lawyer Duma Boko, won 22 seats and the Botswana Congress Party, headed by economist Dumelang Saleshando, took eight, according to the tallies.

Botswana Patriotic Front, established by followers of former President Ian Khama after his exit from the BDP, secured five seats.

“As of 05.04 am, 1st November 2024, opposition parties have garnered more than half of the parliamentary seats,” the newspaper Mmegi said on its page, adding that the BDP “has now officially lost state power”.

Under Botswana’s constitution, the party that holds a majority of parliamentary seats can choose the president and form a government.

Opposition parties have garnered more than half of the parliamentary seats. This means the governing Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has now officially lost the election.

Masisi, a 63-year-old former high school teacher and UNICEF worker, had been widely expected to keep his parliamentary majority and serve a second and final term.

Often held up as one of Africa’s greatest success stories, Botswana ranks among the wealthiest and most stable democracies on the continent.

But a global downturn in demand for mined diamonds, which account for more than 80 percent of the Southern African exports, has taken a toll on the economy.

Economic growth is expected to slow to 1 percent in 2024, according to the International Monetary Fund, down from 2.3 percent last year and 5.5 percent in 2022.

Unemployment has risen to 27 percent, with an even greater share of young people out of work.

Before the vote, the BDP had acknowledged the need to diversify the economy, pledging to develop new drivers of growth such as agriculture and tourism.

Source: Al Jazeera and news agencies
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STRATEGIC NON-VIOLENCE, THE MOST POWERFUL FORCE AGAINST DICTATORSHIPBy Mandlenkosi Jobe I would like to respond to an an...
01/11/2024

STRATEGIC NON-VIOLENCE, THE MOST POWERFUL FORCE AGAINST DICTATORSHIP

By Mandlenkosi Jobe

I would like to respond to an anonymous editorial recently published in your platform, which discussed the need to demilitarize the democratic struggle in Swaziland and embrace a non-violent approach.

I fully agree with the points made in the article. However, I feel it should emphasize that Civil Resistance, or Non-Violence, is not merely a moral obligation or a “safer alternative”; it is a strategic choice essential for any movement that centers people power as the foundation for a democratic future. Research into Strategic Non-Violence shows its unique effectiveness in establishing democratic societies, whereas armed struggle often results in authoritarian regimes.

We should commend everyone within our movement who champions this strategic approach. Yet, it’s time to move from advocacy to action: educating and training our communities in Strategic Non-Violence. This approach, when understood and adopted by a well-prepared, disciplined, and tactically skilled movement, becomes a powerful tool. Unfortunately, many people have been led to believe that violence is the only route to liberation. It is our duty to counter these misconceptions.

The article rightly highlights that Civil Resistance is by no means passive. It is deeply disruptive to the established order and calls for sacrifices from everyone involved. Strikes, stay-aways, shutdowns, and boycotts demand us all to step out of our comfort zones. These tactics directly undermine the regime’s pillars of support, a necessary disruption to pave the way for democratic change.

While it is vital to discourage those who are drawn to violent methods, a more constructive focus lies in building robust civic resistance structures. Demonstrating the power of non-violence through well-organized, successful actions will convince others to embrace this method over violence.

Moreover, the recent violent confrontations within our movement are troubling. Such acts reflect a lack of discipline and align with neither organized struggle nor our values; they are criminal behaviors that have no place in our movement. Both violent and non-violent resistance must be led by democratic, accountable organizations—not by armed groups loyal to individuals. Any form of armed gang activity is simply banditry, and we must guard against such elements that could tarnish and weaken our struggle.

Lastly, we need not look far for inspiration on civil resistance. South Africa offers a powerful example, particularly the 1980s era when the United Democratic Front (UDF) spearheaded mass civil resistance.

Combined with external sanctions, this movement helped bring the Apartheid regime to its knees. I believe that if our country can pursue a campaign with similar scope and determination, we could see the collapse of the regime within two years. However, this goal requires equal time and effort in preparing our people, and that work must begin now.

NB: Readers are encouraged to respond, critique and provide rejoinders to all our articles. They will be published. Contact us via inbox of [email protected].

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