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01/12/2023

Most marriages are a man with an income and a woman with limited options.

27/11/2023

President Ruto reminds me of my high school principal. Pale Nkubu High School nikiwa form one in 2012, the porridge was pathetic & the food was terrible. Students had been complaining for weeks but the Principal had intentionally ignored them.

Bwana one night they organized, bought Petrol & poured it in 10 dormitories k**a tumelala. Then same students woke us up chini ya maji. The Deputy was alarmed & police were called. We went to extend our sleep in classes but we couldn’t because of shock.

Morning came & we were called at the assembly. The police were all over, the OCS was around, the area MP was on his way. Then form four & form three students demanded to be heard. One took the mic & told the principal that whatever had happened was a warning & if they wanted to burn the school down they’d have done so. Another one took the mic & told him he will be stupid to think they afforded 5L Petrol & lacked 10 bob for match box. The other student told him on the face that all they now want was a DIALOGUE with ONLY HIM in the DINING HALL other teachers to keep off, bwana you could hear how we cheered.

The principal humbled himself and accepted to have a dialogue. Students presented their grievances. Some teachers were sent (on the same day) to St.Mary’s Girls, Chogoria Girls, Meru School, Kaaga Girls to confirm what kind of food they were having. The following day our food completely changed, students started having Chicken, Pork, Eggs, the price of bread was lowered & we never ever complained again. He later became our favorite & listening/considerate Principal. We could even watch late night champion league games & Derbies with his permission. We loved & adored him.

President Ruto Thinks Kenyans are fools. Kenyans are hearting, suffering, depression & stressed. He must listen to what Kenyans are saying. Lower the cost of living, lower the cost of fuel, fire all your CSs & at least retain Rebecca Miano. This country belongs to all of us. We pay you, you have a duty & responsibility to listen to us!

27/11/2023

Khalwale vs Gachagua

Cheruiyot vs Ndii

Cherargei vs Murkomen

Kahiga Mutagi vs UDA headquarters

Gachagua vs Mudavadi.

There are so many battles going on in Kenya Kwanza that you can't keep count. But all of them are manifestations of different things, including but not limited to...

1. The mood in the country is that anyone who runs against Ruto in 2027, including Bifwoli Wakoli's domestic cat, Nelima, will beat him by a landslide. It has emboldened people both inside and outside government to say unspeakable things in broad daylight.

2. Because of the foregoing, Kikuyu entitlement and Kalenjin incompetence have finally parted company. Quite incredibly, each one thinks the other will cost it the presidency in 2027 and must get rid of the other! Since the regime is so unpopular, the Kikuyu think that they too can run a candidate and beat Ruto. In fact, when people like Ndii and Kuria throw words at wananchi, they are unwittingly helping drive a wedge between the people and Ruto.

3. Lee Njiru says in his book that within the Moi State House, the fight between the Kalenjin sub tribes was more vicious than that between the Kalenjin and other tribes. Moi's security machinery was built around Keiyos and Marakwets, like the Sumbeiywos and Kimaiyos, which mightily irked the populous Kipsigis and Nandis. Plus Moi's own Tugen (until fellow Tugen, Tonje, became military boss). Now, Cherargei is on Murkomen's neck. Cherargei is Nandi, like Ruto. Murkomen is Marakwet. You can bet your last calf that Cherargei's problem is not any corruption connected to Murkomen, but that as Ruto stares at defeat in 2027, Murkomen is building the money and political networks to be the Kalenjin alternative to Ruto. How dare he, a Marakwet, do that to the Nandi supremo? (I need to revisit the military angle to this).

4. Remember how Khalwale took on Gachagua last week? In which democracy does the Majority Whip whip the buttocks of the sitting Deputy President like that? Would Khalwale have gone all out on Rigathi without the blessings of both Mudavadi and Ruto? The simple answer is no. But there is another angle. Khalwale purported to warn the mountain that it will be Mulembe Nation's turn in 2032, not another mountaineer. But what if Mudavadi wants it in 2027? Remember Bifwoli's cat can win it? Even more intriguingly, what if Ruto himself thinks that his regime will be so unpopular that he can just help run Mudavadi against him so that if he gets beaten, it is by a more friendly person than Rigathi?

5. The consensus in Azimio is that Kalonzo will be the candidate. Kikuyus, having fallen out with Ruto, will probably find Kalonzo a better offer, if they don't run one of their own. In desperation, Ruto will turn to the Luo, and will offer Raila half the world to help him. Here is the question; between Kalenjin Incompetence and Kikuyu Entitlement, which one do you think the general Luo population would rather have? The answer is obvious. If things go like 5 here, that choice made by Luos will win it in 2027.

6. Let us not forget that if Bifwoli's cat can win it, then there is a huge constituency in the country that will feel that Raila is still very young and should finally take it. Raila's name is an industrial complex. It feeds politics at all levels. As long as Raila can raise one hand up in an ICU bed, there will be millions who demand that Amolo must be on the ticket, so that he can slay both Kikuyu Entitlement and Kalenjin Incompetence in one move!

Therefore, as Kenya Kwanza luminaries turn on each other, we bless the spirit of the Kilkenny cats in them. We however note that since Kikuyu Entitlement is an acquired taste while Kalenjin Incompetence is a born taste, we can tell which one is worse.

26/11/2023

FACTS YOU DIDN'T KNOW ABOUT NYAYO ESTATE

Nyayo estate is probably the most organized upper middle class estate in Eastlands Nairobi. The houses are magnificent,roads perfect and everything looks in order.Nyayo Estate is the only Estate in Eastlands that can rival the likes of Kileleshwa--it's probably in a wrong place.

In this estate, a mubaba will have his family living in gate A, and a side family living in a mansion in gate D, and another family just outside gate C. Nyayo is the only estate in Nairobi where the wife will go to pick her son from school, only to find her son’s twin who she did not birth in the same school.

They are age mates, same skin color, same hair type and they probably go to the same nearby salon. A mubaba pays fee for both kids. They have the same surname,same forehead,same lips, usicheze na Nyayo--- it should be included in the Guinness book of records.

Nyayo estate is the only estate in Nairobi, where a man will come home from work, park his car, grab a glass of orange juice from the fridge and casually walk to his mpango wa kando's house in a pair of sweat pants and sandals and the wife will suspect nothing.
Nyayo estate is the only estate in Eastlands where a man will have two families living adjacent to each other.

It's arguably the the headquarters of sins in Nairobi. If you live in Nyayo Estate, start gazing at your neighbors' kids, and realize they could be your husband’s...weird!

Nyayo estate is also where wababas rent houses for their side chicks. Some will furnish secret apartments that they use for their bedminton as well as run secret Airbnbs. I’m telling you top secrets and could go to jail for it.

You'll be shocked that your neigbours do not know all their husband's kids.
When outside Nyayo you could think nothing is happening,24 hours a day,satan resides there.
Well,Nyayo Estate was built in 1999 during Nyayo Era by NSSF.

It adopted the name Nyayo,a slogan commonly used by former President Moi.The estate's immediate neighbour is Tassia and of course Pipeline which are equally dramatic.To rent a house in Nyayo Estate,you have to part with Ksh 30,000 to Ksh100,000 monthly.

23/11/2023

KENYANS RECRUITED TO FIGHT IN SOMALIA

The Associated Press

The recruits assembled by moonlight at a watering hole. Hundreds of boys and young Kenyan men were herded onto trucks, which were covered with heavy canvas, and driven through the night.

It was so hot inside they could hardly breathe. One recruit, Salad Dahir, said they banged the sides of the truck for water but got none. Some had to urinate where they stood.

Their destination: a secluded training camp deep in the Kenyan bush.

Thousands of people are being secretly recruited and trained inside Kenya to battle Islamic insurgents in neighboring Somalia, according to deserters, local officials, families of recruits and diplomats.

Most recruits are Somalis living in crowded refugee camps and Kenyan nationals who are ethnic Somalis living nearby.

Spokesmen from the Kenyan government, police and military, as well as the Somali chief of military staff, have denied that the government is recruiting fighters within Kenya.

But interviews showed that recruiting has been taking place for months and that different government agencies and military resources — including vehicles with government license plates — have been involved.

A U.N. official says there have been rumors but no hard evidence of recruitment in refugee camps, which would violate the rights of the refugees.

Eight diplomats, citing internal reports and other sources, told The Associated Press that the recruits are being trained for a planned offensive on behalf of Somalia's weak, U.N.-backed government to wrest control of parts of southern Somalia from the insurgents.

The diplomats spoke on condition of anonymity to prevent damaging relations with Kenya over the sensitive subject. Two of the diplomats said the offensive is planned for the end of Somalia's rainy season around the end of the year.

Kenya has long feared that the conflict in Somalia, which has been bloodied by civil war since warlords overthrew dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991, will spill across the border into its own neglected northeastern region. The area is home to hundreds of thousands of ethnically Somali Kenyans.

A way out of refugee camps?

Thousands of would-be fighters have been lured into the militia by promises of up to $600 a month, but many fled after they were not paid, were beaten or went hungry, more than a dozen of the deserters told the AP.

Many recruits remain in the ranks and see the secret militia as their only way out of overcrowded refugee camps and the dusty, poor towns around them.

Chris Albin-Lackey, a researcher at Human Rights Watch who has interviewed recruits and their families, said: "Refugees are supposed to find safety in the camps, not a government that is trying to trick their sons into going back to fight in Somalia."

Albin-Lackey noted the recruitment of children violates the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Kenya is a signatory.

Kenya is eager to counter the influence of insurgents in Somalia who preach the spread of a pan-Islamic state into Kenya and Ethiopia, where many Somalis live due to borders drawn by former colonial powers. Somalia's al-Shabab insurgents — some of whom have ties to al-Qaida — already cross into northern Kenya.

About two months ago, recruiters started openly operating in Kenyan towns and in nearby huts and tents of the refugee camps, according to more than 20 interviews with recruits, their families and religious, municipal and civil society leaders.

Some recruiters even worked from a hotel fronting a heavily fortified U.N. compound in the northern town of Dadaab, home to three overcrowded camps of about 275,000 refugees, most from Somalia.

Baijo Mohamed, chairman of a youth group in Dadaab's Ifo camp, said he had been approached by two Somali generals to help recruit fighters but refused because he did not want to see his friends die in a war they are not responsible for.

Promises made to recruits
More than a dozen deserters said they were promised positions in the Kenyan or Somali armies or jobs with U.N. security by men acting as recruiters. Some said they were told they would patrol the Kenya-Somalia border.

But upon arrival at the training camp, they were told they were going to Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, or Kismayo, a key southern city under Islamist control.

Some recruits said they would never have joined if they had known they were supposed to be fighting in Somalia, a sun-scorched nation that has not seen peace in a generation.

Kenyan Defense Ministry spokesman Bogita Ongeri denied a secret militia is being formed or that the military was involved in any recruitment or training.

Contradictory evidence was the result of propaganda by Somali Islamists, he said, adding that the only training taking place is Kenyan police training Somali police.

"The military is not involved at all in any training of any Somali forces," he said. "This is propaganda being disseminated by some militia groups in Somalia."

Police spokesman Eric Kiraithe said he is not aware of any such police training by Kenya. Alejandro Bendana, the manager for the U.N. program training Somali police, also said he knew of no such U.N.-related training in Kenya. The main training area for police recruits is in the northern Somali region of Puntland, Bendana said.

Ismail Garat, the deputy mayor of the northern town of Garissa, about 60 miles (100 kilometers) from Dadaab, said he has received many complaints from constituents about the recruitment for the secret militia.

"They recruited retired Kenyan army officers first," Garat said. "Then they came back and began to take the youth."

Young men disappear

Garat estimated at least 300 young men disappeared from the town into the militia. Garat's brother was among those approached and the deputy mayor had to persuade him to return.

Hussein Mahad, the secretary of the Council of Imams and Preachers for the town, said all 100 of the imams in his group have reported complaints about the recruitment drive. He said he knew of a woman whose husband, a retired Kenyan soldier, had joined early in the process and whose son was taken later.

Garat said trucks from the Kenya National Youth Service with government license plates took away the recruits from Garissa at night. Witnesses told him military escorts were sometimes present. Most of the recruits from Dadaab said they were also transported on trucks with government plates.

The deserters all said they were taken to Manyani, a training center for the Kenya Wildlife Service outside the port of Mombasa. They said their cell phones were confiscated upon arrival and Kenyan citizens had to surrender their identity cards.

Kenyans of Somali descent can easily pass for Somalis. They share with Somali nationals the Islamic religion, a common language — Somali — and a tall, slender appearance, looking distinct from members of other ethnic groups from farther south.

"They said, 'You are not a Kenyan. From this moment, tell yourselves and other people you are Somali,'" recalled 18-year-old Kenyan citizen Aden Hassan, who said he made the journey with 400 other men and was told to surrender his ID card.

Military officials at training?

Both Somali and Kenyan military officials were involved in the training, the recruits said, adding that they recognized Kenya's green military uniform and beret on some trainers while others wore plain clothes.

Salad Dahir, a tall, thin man in a tattered blue shirt, said he had traveled to the training site in the crowded, sweltering truck about a month ago. He said the Kenyan military did the training — push-ups and other calisthenics.
"Kenya military were there wearing uniforms," added Hassan.

The refugees who were interviewed asked that their last names be withheld to avoid losing their refugee status.

Salad Dahir, 26, said he deserted after a severe beating at the training site left him unconscious.

Tiny rations of dirty food, beatings and failure to pay promised salaries caused widespread desertion, recruits said. Some who tried to flee were caught and beaten, but many managed to return home through Tsavo, a vast national park filled with dangerous animals that surrounds the training camp.

At least one boy who fled at night with a group of nine others was attacked and killed by lions, Salad Dahir said. Garat, the deputy mayor, said another group of deserters was chased by elephants.

Tearful pleas for help
Some recruits called their families on phones smuggled into the camp and whispered tearful pleas for help.
"He was crying and his father was crying and then the phone cut," said Suban Abdi, a Kenyan woman whose 20-year-old son Aden Nor was recruited.

"We don't want them to go back and face the bullets that we fled," said Fatuma Mohamed, a 39-year-old Somali who kept a tight grip on her teenage son during an interview. Mohamed's younger brother has already joined.

Khadija Rageh Abdi, a Kenyan whose son was approached, is an advocate for the rights of refugee women and a favorite with visiting diplomatic delegations, but said she cannot get inside the U.N. compound to complain about the recruitments.

Fatoumata Lejeune-Kaba, a Geneva-based spokeswoman for the U.N.'s refugee agency, said it has no evidence recruitment is taking place in the camps, although it put up signs saying only civilians are allowed in after mothers complained their sons were missing.

"If it's happening, it's clearly a violation of the refugee's rights because nobody's supposed to recruit refugees," she said.

She said the agency had heard rumors of recruitment, but "we need facts."
"Sometimes refugee women say 'My son is no longer here,' but maybe the son is in Nairobi because some of them do go to Nairobi, but we have no evidence," she said.

Gen. Yusuf Ahmed Dhumal, chief of staff of Somalia's military, denied recruitment is taking place in Kenya. He said Kenya is training 1,500 Somalis recruited in Somalia as soldiers to support the Somali government. Training is also taking place in Ethiopia and Djibouti with U.S. support, he said.

One diplomat said sustainable training is urgently needed to help the beleaguered Somali government against the hard-line Islamists.
Somalia is now on its 15th government in 19 years.

"The problems of Somalia are older than my son," said Halima Aden, whose 18-year-old was taken from their hometown of Garissa. "If all the people who are working on Somalia cannot bring peace there, I do not see how my boy can help."

23/11/2023

WHEN MUNGIKI ATTACKED THE HOME OF CABINET SECRETARY FOR INTERNAL SECURITY

Nation Media Group
October 30, 2006

Gunmen raided the rural home of Internal Security minister John Michuki and engaged his police guard in a fierce gun battle at the weekend.

A local chief, who was Mr Michuki's neighbour, was shot dead when he bumped into two of the gangsters, who were fleeing towards his home.

Muguru location chief Arthur Kariuki Kibe had rushed out to check what was happening after he heard several gunshots coming from the direction of the minister's home.

But he bumped into two of the gangsters, who shot him three times, killed him and left his body near a footpath.

The minister had been at the home during the day on Saturday and left at about 5pm, only for the gangsters to attack at 8.30pm.

The unknown number of assailants were in several groups and launched the gun attacks from different positions around the well-secured home. However, they fled after they failed to gain entry into the home.

Mr Michuki returned to the home from Nairobi yesterday morning after he received information about the raid and immediately described the attack as an attempt on his life. He said he had left his Kangema home a few hours before the attack.

The incident prompted a high-powered security response. The Police commissioner Maj-Gen Hussein Ali led the Central Province security team to the home.

In his company were the provincial commissioner, Mr Kiplimo Rugut, the provincial police officer, Mr Njue Njagi, and his CID counterpart, Mr Sebastian Ndaru.

The chief had been accompanied by his son, Mr Maina Kariuki, who escaped unhurt.

Mr Kariuki told police that he escaped death after he wrestled one of the gunmen to the ground before hiding behind a thicket.

Fired from rifle

According to police, at least 37 spent catridges of different calibres were found at the scene. Most of them had been fired from an AK-47 assault rifle.

By yesterday evening, police were yet to establish the motive of the attack, but preliminary investigations showed it was a well-planned raid.

A massive hunt for the assailants was launched, but nobody had been arrested in connection with the attack by the time of going to Press.

A shaken Mr Michuki said yesterday: "God is great. I was not at home that time." But he did not give details, saying police investigations will reveal everything.

Cartridges recovered

Mr Njagi said a comprehensive report on the attack will be given later.

Police sealed off parts of the compound where some cartridges were said to have been recovered. Mr Michuki said some of the bullets hit the verandah and the parking lot.

Mr Rugut said only one policeman was on duty at the time of the raid on the minister's residence.

The minister said he had left for Nairobi in the evening after addressing a meeting at his constituency office only to receive information on the raid a few hours later.

"When l left home at about 4.45pm, I used another route because the main road was being repaired. Maybe they thought I was still there," said Mr Michuki.

The minister said although he could not speculate on the motive to avoid compromising the investigations, it could have been an attempt on his life.

"I am aware that I have many enemies," said the Kangema MP.

At the chief's Giatembe home — about one-and-half kilometres from Mr Michukis home — relatives and neighbours gathered to console the family.

His son who witnessed the bloody killing of his father said: “Those people demanded that my father identify himself first and he informed them that he was the chief. One of the gangsters responded that they were police officers before opening fire and shooting him three times."

Heard gunshots

The chief’s wife, Jane Wangari, said the family had just taken supper when they heard gunshots. Her husband and son Kariuki rushed of find out what was happening, only for the former to be shot and killed.

Police fingered Mungiki gang as being responsible for the attack.

A covert squad was established code named KweKwe and supported by the government's internal security machinery. The resulting war destroyed the Mungiki gang leaving thousands of men associated with the gang dead and a multitude of young widows and orphans.

21/11/2023

HOW CRAFTY 25 YEAR OLD PLANNED 600 MILLION DOLLAR THEFT

Nation Media Group
By John Kamau

When Goldenberg scandal architect Kamlesh Pattni decided to take advantage of the government’s export compensation scheme, he was only 25, yet he pulled off one of Kenya’s biggest thefts of the public coffers.

In just three years, the fiddle had cost taxpayers more than $600 million.

Then holder of a British passport and son of a Mombasa gold jewellery dealer, Pattni was hardly known as he and his brother ran a small jewellery outlet known as Manorama Limited on Nairobi’s Dubois Road.

He later shifted to Moi Avenue’s Mageso Chambers and it was from there that Goldenberg International Limited and Exchange Bank Limited, the two companies that were to become the face of the scandal, were hatched.

How Pattni came to enlist spy chief James Kanyottu as a director, nay promoter, of the two companies is not clear.

He would later tell a judicial commission appointed by President Mwai Kibaki to investigate the scandal that the two had met at a Nairobi shop, where they had been introduced by a mutual friend, a Mr Veljibhai Gami.

The objective of the Goldenberg company was to “carry on the business of import and export in any or all types of minerals, gold, silver, diamonds, precious and semi-precious stones… in Kenya, to all PTA countries, Europe, India, and other parts of the world.”

HIDDEN IDEA

The hidden idea was how to take advantage of the various economic schemes crafted by the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) and the Ministry of Finance by carrying out fraudulent business deals, illegal and irregular.

These schemes involved export compensation, pre-shipment finance, retention accounts, forex certificates, spot and forward contracts, and cheque kiting.

While some of these economic schemes had been put into place to lure businessmen into earning Kenya hard currency after donors, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank imposed stringent rules on aid, the Goldenberg company was paid more than their foreign currency earnings and with little export of gold, if any.

Even today, there is no evidence that the company engaged in any mining of gold and diamonds, the two minerals it purported to be exporting.

Initially, Pattni started small, but when he presented his first nine export compensation forms to his bankers, First American Bank (Kanyotu was one of the directors), the Central Bank and the bank observed some anomaly.

The amount of money purported to have come from overseas was through numerous cash deposits and in various hard currencies, and not through the usual inter-bank transfer.

What they did not know, or perhaps suspected, was that Goldenberg was purchasing hard currencies at the local market, depositing them at the First American Bank account, and using that to demand export compensation.

With the myriad questions by the Central Bank and the First American Bank, Pattni decided to register his own bank in August 1991, with a proposed capital of Sh40 million, which was deposited with Transnational Bank Ltd.

At first he wanted the bank to be known as Republic National Bank.

The bank’s shareholding almost mimicked that of Goldenberg International.

Pattni and Kanyotu each held 25 per cent stake, while a Mrs Daksha Rana took a 25 per cent shareholding. Bhailal Patel and Rohit Damji held the balance.

But when the company was finally formed, the names of Rana, Patel and Damji disappeared and only Kanyotu and Pattni remained with one share each of Sh1,000.

CBK MISTAKE

One of the early mistakes was that CBK did not check if the bank had any capital.

The bank started operating on June 4, 1992, and was authorised as a depository institution under the Exchange Control Act on July 30, 1992.

With the bank and the company set, it was easy to transact business.

The two — the company and the bank — entered the market at a time when President Daniel arap Moi’s government was facing an economic downturn in the country and was desperate for foreign exchange.

With few economic managers at the Ministry of Finance and facing irregular foreign debt repayment, anyone with a semblance of an idea (however crooked) on how to earn Kenya foreign currency would have received a good audience, both at State House and at the Treasury.

Both the IMF and the World Bank helped the government to come up with various schemes and economic policies that included the liberalisation of the economy and removal of currency controls, which ended up depleting the foreign exchange reserves.

MULTI-PARTY CLAMOUR

On the political side, the clamour for multi-party politics was reaching a crescendo and Kanu was desperate for another term.

Pattni came on the scene during this time and into the hands of desperate politicians and reckless economists and administrators.

Pattni had studied then Finance minister George Saitoti’s June 1990 budget speech and the various proposals that would see Kenya promote the “production of industrial and other non-traditional exports.”

Prof Saitoti had put in place the Export Compensation Scheme, which was to encourage the re-export of minerals from other countries via Kenya.

The companies would be compensated for that effort after lodging the paperwork.

To get the compensation ­— and this was paid in cash — an exporter had to have the export forms stamped by the necessary authorities and confirmation that all the foreign exchange relating to the exports had been received and sold to the CBK.

If in the paper you said you exported gold worth $1,000, the government would pay you $200 or 20 per cent of the remitted currency.

The government had no way of verifying the volume of what was exported. It relied on paper trail.

MONOPOLY

Pattni sought and was given a monopoly to export gold and diamonds on the promise that he would earn the country $50 million. And instead of the legal 20 per cent compensation, his company was granted 35 per cent, which was concealed in the budget as “customs refund”.

While Goldenberg breached all the exchange control regulations and the agreement it had signed with CBK to abide by the rules, Pattni used his connections to get his compensation paid after the claim was processed by the Customs and Excise Department.

While CBK governor Eric Kotut was alerted to this by his exchange controller, T.K. Birech-Kuruna, nothing was done.

Pattni tried his luck with Citibank and they smoked him out before he finally settled for government-owned banks, which were easier to corrupt.

Although CBK was informed about the dubious transaction, it continued paying export compensation without verifying whether any exports took place.

And by registering his own bank, Pattni was able to escape scrutiny.

WILSON AIRPORT

A day in the multi-billion Goldenberg scandal would often be dramatic. On October 22, 1991, for example, senior customs officer, Samuel Njiraini was in his office at Wilson Airport when an aeroplane from Bunia, Zaire, landed at 8 pm.

As an examining officer grade 2, Njiraini would work late into the evening just in case somebody tried to smuggle anything through the airport.

At 7.30pm, preventive officer Elizabeth Opondo got information that an aeroplane, registration 5Y-ZYS, would land from Bunia, Zaire.

As procedure, she got the travel manifest that indicated the number of travellers — a Mr Rasul, the pilot, and passengers Bwambale I, Omar Soba, Athew, Khambale, Ghelani, Pattni K, and Dhakan L. They all carried bags.

As Ms Opondo started the task of clearing the passengers, two of them — Kamlesh Pattni and a Mr Dhakan — refused to open their bags.

She asked them to go to Mr Njiraini’s office and they carried along with them a briefcase and a canvas bag.

REFUSED TO OPEN BAGS

“These two have refused to open their bags, sir,” Ms Opondo told Njiraini.

“What do you have with you gentlemen,” Njiraini asked the two.

“Two-and-a-half kilos of gold,” answered Pattni.

Njiraini had been briefed on what had happened outside and did not believe the two-and-half kilogramme story.

He lifted the bags and asked Pattni to open them. Inside were 31 kilos of gold dust.

“You have made a false declaration,” Njiraini told Pattni. That was not only an offence, but it could land him in jail.

The second mistake was that Pattni and his group did not have import documents.

That was an indicator that the gold was being smuggled into the country.

CALLED COMMISSIONER

Pattni requested to call his brother, but he instead called the commissioner of customs, Francis Cheruiyot, and explained his predicament at Wilson Airport.

He then handed the phone to Njiraini: “Talk to your commissioner.”

Cheruiyot listened as Njiraini explained the details. He then asked Njiraini to handle the issue very diligently, saying he was under pressure.

“Record all the particulars of the goods and the names and passport numbers of the importers and then release the goods,” he instructed.

Njiraini did not believe what he was hearing. At his level as examining officer grade 2, he was not authorised to give prior release to any goods.

He requested Cheruiyot to drive to Wilson and give the release authority in writing. But Cheruiyot was far away and could not have made it to the airport.

Njiraini made a suggestion: “Can we deposit the goods in a customs warehouse and wait for the importers to bring the required documents?”

Cheruiyot agreed, but as soon as Njiraini put the phone down, James Kanyotu, the director of intelligence, was on the line, asking why Pattni was detained.

He was told Pattni had two bags of gold and was waiting for the commissioner of mines and geology, Collins Owayo, to bring import documents.

Njiraini had just finished speaking to Kanyotu when another call came. It was Noah arap Too, the CID director.

“Why have you arrested Mr Pattni?” arap Too is alleged to have asked.

Njiraini, for the zenith time, explained that they had only seized some goods pending production of import papers.

It was going to be a long night as Owayo, drove into Wilson Airport and went straight to Njiraini’s office.

He called the Custom’s boss, Cheruiyot, hoping to have Pattni’s cargo released.

Njiraini had told Cheruiyot that without the documents, the gold had to go to the warehouse at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.

GOLD RELEASED

With phone calls and the right connections, Pattni walked out with his gold to continue with his fiddle.

Although he had said that the 35 per cent compensation would enable Goldenberg to compete with smugglers, the Wilson Airport incident indicated otherwise.

On paper, compensation for gold and precious stones could only be paid when the goods were physically examined and certified prior to exportation and after the foreign currency was received by a bank.

It is now known that no foreign currency was received arising from the scheme because there were neither gold nor diamond exports.

There were only fake companies processing fake receipts.

The Moi government ended up paying both the normal 20 per cent compensation and the enhanced 15 per cent compensation in exchange for nothing.

Goldenberg then started engaging in currency dealings whereby money would be sent abroad and wired back to Kenya as proceeds of export.

The government would pay 35 per cent of this as compensation.

Pattni then got to know that some airlines, hotels, and travel agents were allowed to provide cash exchange facilities for visitors in urgent cases.

Goldenberg applied for a licence from the Ministry of Tourism, promising to make $50 million.

They used this licence to buy foreign currency from the public and sold it to Exchange Bank.

Some of the money was sent overseas and deposited in Exchange Bank nostro accounts and later transferred back, earning 35 per cent compensation.

Many years later, a trial, a judicial commission of inquiry, and more scrutiny has left no one in jail over the scandal.

Dr Karuga Koinange and Eliphas Riungu, two of the officials accused of paying Sh5.8 billion to Pattni, have died.

Their attempt to argue that they were ordered by President Moi to pay out the money was dismissed.

The man who authored the grand scheme walked away to start a church. He is now brother Paul.

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