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15/12/2022

Uhuru Kenyatta-Led Talks Inch Closer Towards a Peace Deal; Between DRC and Rebels

An East African Community-led peace process has recommended cessation of hostilities and release of child soldiers in the eastern Democratic Republic of. Former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, the facilitator, held consultative meetings with armed groups, civil society and victims of sexual violence.

Uhuru outlined some of the key issues to be put in place to quell the violence that has rocked the DRC for decades. First will be the formation of a committee comprising representatives of affected communities, EAC and the DRC government to facilitate release of prisoners with no criminal record.

“Some of them were not guilty of anything and were targeted because of suspicion and ethnic communities they hail from. The President Felix Tshisekedi has said they will form the committee and I told him I also want to be part of it. All those with no criminal record to be released at once,” said Uhuru.

Families evicted from national parks and protected areas will be involved in conservation and wildlife protection efforts while also establishing a system where the community can benefit from mining. “The president has understood that protection of the environment and ecosystem cannot happen without involving the communities living beside the national parks,” said Uhuru.

Armed groups recommended that their leadership be incorporated into the P-DDRC (Program for Demobilisation, Disarmament, Community Recovery and Stabilisation for ex-combatants) and a review done on the same.

“The president has agreed to look into P-DDRC programme leadership and ensure that it is accepted by all stakeholders and also conduct citizen participation on how best that programme can succeed,” he said.

However, the former president stated that for all the recommendations to be realised, all armed groups must put down their weapons and work to build a “Congo for the people of Congo.”

“All groups should accept to put down their weapons and join the P-DDRC so that they can be incorporated into projects of nation-building,” he said. Uhuru also recommended that foreign armed groups causing havoc in DRC should be part of the peace process, put down their weapons and go back to their countries.

He said that the peace process has submitted the issues to individual heads of state in the region in order to ensure that each country can talk to its people, “to return home and leave DRC in peace.”

Despite some armed groups participating in the peace talks, M-23, a rebel group that has posed a growing threat to civilians in the eastern DRC, was not party to the talks.

“They were not here but we have said we signed an agreement in Luanda and said there are specific issues we wanted those groups to actualise and if they do, and we believe they will, they will join us… they will be included,” said Uhuru.

15/12/2022

Kenya’s Efforts In Bringing Together All Regional Forces For Peace In DRC Admirable

The thinking concerning the regional security policy of East Africa is changing the hysteria that existed around the nature of security alliance to a much less hysterical approach. What this change perhaps shows most clearly is the impact of the recent changes in political leadership in the region.

What Ruto’s administration seems to be doing now is taking a more realistic look at what Kenya and its regional security issues threatening the economic and political stability of the countries in the region are and what security alliances can be expected to achieve.

The greatest dangers are in DRC, ravaged by war, rebellion, reign of terrorism, civil strife, unemployment, sharp inflation, and dwindling resources — a series of humanitarian problems. Kenya has occupied centre stage and has taken the lead in reaffirming the region of the moral obligation of a grateful nation and the human security imperative to support democracy-building for a future that is positive so that young people in Congo can not only experience the benefits of it but will be less ready to join militia groups.

President Ruto may not be the most charismatic African leader, but his presidency comes at a time when the region today is at an age of polarization. Specifically, the previous administration had become illogical and unprincipled in its efforts to achieve regional policy ends. The division of opinion ran so strong that no one was willing to listen to the other side, and because of that, many issues could be resolved by bringing the regional countries together which remain unsolved today.

In recent decades the region has been caught in the crossfire as a prime ideological battleground between East and West, as well as a battleground for those who claim to speak for impoverished landless masses demanding a share of their nation’s wealth and opportunities against those acting in the interest of foreign powers.

The strategic position of Kenya adds materially to the importance of its new role in the peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo for the benefit of common security. Although East African security concerns such as the implementation of disarmament and demobilisation process take centre stage, every so often, talks on regional trade relations shifts into the spotlight of attention.

Kenya’s efforts in bringing together all regional sources lay a foundation plan that can be implemented over many years and one that can stimulate growth to increase trade, create jobs, raise incomes, expand employment and business opportunities, and promote regional peace. Additionally, the Kenya contingent, under the sponsorship of the East African Community Regional Force. (EACRF) is a consolidated entity with impressive capabilities corresponding with real operational conditions.

Kenya has well-developed structures in place, beginning with its formidable military arsenal as a longer-term military solution. All of this ties in very well with the president’s pledge to work with individual countries and the network of regional organisations to undertake any necessary and reasonable measures to develop, more crucially an enlightened policy.

Yet, although regional accords might sometimes be challenging to world peace since they might tend in some circumstances to introduce a sort of prewar system of coalitions, Ruto’s administration understands the concerns and seems to be moving rapidly to seek new solutions that are more of a conciliation than confrontational.

A peaceful progressive region is an adjustability in which investors can invest more freely and organizations provide funding priorities that will see the delivery of services in the region. This will elevate the quality of life of the population to other regions as Kenya continues to lead at the front in providing humanitarian relief to populations affected by violence.

15/12/2022

President William Ruto: Time For Kenya To Lead In Climate War

The changing climatic patterns are just a signal to Kenyans and the rest of Africa that there lurks a significant risk threatening the lives and livelihoods of its people that needs urgent attention.

Since the damage has already been done, and the risks cannot be reduced to zero overnight, it is upon the governments and other key stakeholders to take decisive action to purposively ensure that climate change is made manageable by mobilising companies and citizens to take actions that will reverse adverse effects such as desertification by, for instance encouraging the planting of more trees.

This requires a lot of forward planning and putting in place measures that not only reduce climate risk, but also accelerate development and cut poverty levels since climate changes are depleting global resources faster than at any other time in history. The dangers are alarming and that is why world leaders and activists meet every year to forge a global response to the climate change emergency.

As it were, President William Ruto attended this year’s 27th UN Conference of Parties (COP 27) in Egypt on climate as global temperatures continue to rise rapidly because of human activity. Ruto hoped to help push the case for proactive plans to safeguard the future of the planet and to seek commitments that will cushion the most vulnerable populations, particularly in Africa.

Well aware that developing countries are among the hardest hit with climate change shocks, due to erratic weather, floods and drought, the meeting will be an eye opener for Ruto to lead this agenda. This way, he will have the responsibility of ensuring that Kenya becomes more prepared to tackle climate change challenges on the one hand while also benefitting from funds set aside to cushion emerging economies from climate change shocks, such as cyclical droughts and floods.

Adaptation is no longer an afterthought and African leaders must continue with the interventions already being implemented even as governments step up efforts to catalyse robust economic development while also reducing vulnerability to climate change. This way, more people will rise from poverty.

Strong predictors of vulnerability to climate change include challenges in access to basic services all of which are areas requiring government interventions. While the banking sector has shown a good way to tap the synergies in the financial sector to push for funding of greener projects, other sectors must be pushed to adopt practices that are both sustainable and friendly to Mother Nature.

This is now the time to spur the adaptive capacity of more households and companies, many of which only need information, financing and policy incentives to embrace positive change and become part of the climate action solution.

15/12/2022

ODM Leader’s Allies Have Made It Clear They Want To Work With Sitting President

ODM leader Raila Odinga is gradually cutting a lonely image as his close allies drift away following his loss in the August 9 election. Over the last couple of weeks, allies of the veteran opposition leader have been warming up to President William Ruto.

The exodus is likely to continue when Raila embarks on a series of rallies to protest the removal of four commissioners of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC). The Kenya Union Party associated with former West Pokot Governor John Lonyangapuo distanced itself from the planned rallies. He accused Raila of failing to consult Azimio affiliates.

“We have come out to dissociate ourselves with the approach that is being introduced now where in our Azimio coali tion there was no consultation,” Lonyangapuo said. Besides Lonyangapuo, some of Raila’s long-time allies from Western and Coast regions have made it clear that they are keen on working with Ruto. Leading the pack of those who have since abandoned Raila is Central Organisation of Trade Unions (COTU) secretary general Francis Atwoli.

Atwoli was vehemently opposed to Ruto’s candidature. Atwoli in the company of other leaders from Western Kenya, met Ruto at State House and declared that he was ready to work with him. Atwoli said he had decided to work closely with Ruto “for the sake of workers”. “As leaders sitting on various international labour bodies, I am obliged to brief the President on whatever is discussed at the forums and their outcome. This can only effectively happen when I am working closely with the President,” said Atwoli.

Several MPs allied to the Azimio coalition recently refrained from opposing the report by the National Assembly Committee on Justice and Legal Affairs (JLAC) recommending the suspension of the four IEBC commissioners including Juliana Cherera, Justus Nyang’aya, Irene Masit and Francis Wanderi. When the report was put to the vote, only 19 out of the 32 Azimio MPs in the House opposed, allowing the easy passage of the report.

Cherera and Nyang’aya have since resigned from the commission. Former Laikipia North MP Mathew Lempurkel also announced that he had quit ODM. Speaking in Narok, Lempurkel said he left the party after missing out on the list of nominees to the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA). He claimed that during the campaigns, Raila had promised to nominate him.

“I was disappointed by Raila’s move to nominate his daughter Winnie instead of me. I have stood with him for a long time. He had assured me during the campaign period that one of the EALA slots will be given to me,” Lempurkel said.Former Kakamega Governor Wycliffe Oparanya, Raila’s right hand man in Western Kenya, recently announced that he had withdrawn his support for the opposition leader.

Oparanya accused Raila of side-lining the Luhya community in nominations to the regional assembly. “I am done with Raila and even if he bad mouthes me, God forbid, he knows, he will not be forgiven,” he said. Kakamega Deputy Governor Ayub Savula has said Raila should play his role as opposition leader and avoid engaging in activities that can disrupt the lives of Kenyans. “What Raila Odinga should be doing now is questioning the high cost of food and fuel. But telling us to go back to the streets to reclaim the lost victory doesn’t sit well with us,” he said.

01/09/2022

In His Tenure, Chebukati Has Had Acrimonious Public Disagreements With Nine Commissioners

I would like to talk about the shambolic state of IEBC based on their response to the people's petition. The people's petition is the main petition by Raila and Martha. First IEBC's response is rather damning but it's also a curious one because it throws Chebukati under the bus.

It paints him as a dictatorial headstrong chair but one who is extremely cunning in spite of his typically dull and unassuming appearance. It is curious because technically it is framed as a response not just of the four dissenting commissioners but also a response to the petition that represents perhaps the entire body culprit of the IEBC. And so the question I imagine the court will be asking itself at some point is do the sentiments contained in this response also represent the general views of the leadership and managerial staff of the entire commission.

Whichever way it is damning on this one you know Chebukati is between the devil and the deep blue sea so here are three points worth of note. Number one on the people's petition Baba said that throughout Chebukati's tenure from 2017, he has been unable to run the commission in a collegiate manner as required in article 138 of the constitution. Throughout his tenure he has had acrimonious public disagreements with commissioners.

First, Akombe who resigned in 2017, then there were the commissioners Connie Maina, Margaret Mwachanya and Paul Kurgat who resigned in 2018 then Ezra Chiloba and now four commissioners. That is nine in total, who is the consonant there Chebukati. Indeed in their response, IEBC says that Chebukati is a total machiavelli man in his leadership style he fostered or he has fostered an environment of division, suspicion and dysfunction. As a result he ran the commission and the 2022 presidential election as a one-man show that's what they say in this petition in this response to the petition number five number.

Two, IEBC has taken the position that Chebukati should not have assumed the rule of returning officer for the presidential elections. This they hold is unconstitutional and leads to the usurpation of essential functions of the commission. Let me explain, according to the constitution and the electoral laws the presidential election is conducted in each constituency. For this purpose the commission appoints 290 returning officers to conduct elections and make returns to the commission for the results declared in each constituency. IEBC did indeed hire these constituency returning officers; in fact I think they should be permanent and pensionable employees of the commission. But Chebukati they say appointed officials in addition to the 290 officers to assist him undertake verification at the national tallying center at Bomas.

In their response they suggest in fact that these unnamed officials were the equivalent of middlemen of a higher tier and who were obviously not gazetted to handle election result management. The respondents hold that the introduction of these middlemen at Bomas made the process lack accountability, transparency and made it vulnerable to rigging. They suggest that this is where Chebukati could have generated his own version of results, the results that he read on the 15th August.

Lastly IEBC addresses itself to the puzzle of the Venezuelans. This Venezuelan story reminds me a lot of quando cesmia. Chebukati we are told is the one who personally organized for the reception and clearance of the Venezuelans at JKIA. When Kinoti smoked out of Venezuelans, Chebukati confronted DCI publicly but he later climbed down somewhere in Jogoo house. The IEBC says in their response that they, the commission did not invite the Venezuelans and that the Venezuelans had no official or legitimate business in relation to the elections.

In fact they say that the Venezuelans were working on behalf of and receiving instructions from a Mr. Muhammad Abdulilahi Abdi, a former officer of the commission and an agent of the UDA party. Very damning allegations which if proven can only lead to one outcome, and that is nullification. May I remind you of the Maraga ruling at paragraph 402 in which he said, if not this court were never called upon to adjudicate on a similar dispute but would reach the same decision. If the anomalies remain the same irrespective of whom the aspirants may be consistency and fidelity to the constitution is an unwavering commitment.

31/08/2022

The Supreme Court Will Be Forced To Tell Us Whose Opinion Carries The Day, The Majority Or The Chairman

One big issue before the court is who is legitimately representing IEBC. This is because there were two responses filed by IEBC but each one took a different position. One was from the four commissioners who disowned the presidential results who are represented by Paul Muite and Issa Mansour. The other response was from the remaining three commissioners including Chebukati who were represented by Githu Muigai and Eric Gumbo.

Now the problem before the court was who is the real IEBC? So let us explore the arguments that the court had to consider. So Githu Muigai is currently representing both Chebukati and the IEBC. This made me raise my eyebrows; is this a conflict of interest but I digress. Githu Muigai argues that IEBC ought to use the legal team that they procured in the past. According to a notice of appointment they are the lawyers on record and so they represent IEBC legally and so in their opinion attempting to appoint Isa Mansour and Paul Muite this late is illegal and irrelevant.

Paul Muite on the other hand spoke on behalf of the four commissioners. He claims that the instruction and opinion given by Githu Mugai came from IEBC CEO Hassan Marjan. In his view, the CEO of IEBC is there to take instructions from the commission and not give, and if the commission cannot agree, decisions are made by a majority. Paul Muite argues that he has the majority and therefore he represents the IEBC. So this is the problem that the court was dealing with, one party says that they are the real IEBC because they were chosen during election preparation and the other party says that they are the real IEBC because they have the majority.

In the end, the court determined that it is not their business to determine who represents IEBC. But on top of that they refuse to have Issa Mansoor and Paul Muite appointed as the new IEBC lawyers. Now somewhere online Ruto's team of eggs, grand pirates and other questionable individuals are celebrating this decision. This is because they think that the Supreme Court has done them a favor. I will explain what the court really did and what this decision means as we go forward.

First of all the court refused to accept a change of IEBC lawyers. This does not mean that the allegations made by the four commissioners have also been withdrawn. Second the court told us that IEBC internal business is not their business to determine, this is fair let the IEBC decide. But this brings up the argument presented by Paul Muite.

In the absence of consensus, decisions are made by the majority. Does this mean then that the IEBC lawyers whoever they are must argue and must present the will of the majority? Or is it that the will of the chairman, the person at the apex of the IEBC has the final word? In our view, these are the questions that the court will be forced to answer but they avoided doing so now. So is it possible then that in failing to declare who the legitimate IEBC lawyers were, the Supreme Court was taking the easy way out?

Consider this, whichever way the seven judge bench went, may have been interpreted as an indicator of how they will rule at the end. If they go with the four commissioners, they're with Baba, if they go with the minority three commissioners they're with Ruto. It is very likely that the court said this is your problem in order to wipe their hands clean of this dilemma and start the process off as neutral as possible. Irregardless, it is very obvious to the court that factions exist within the IEBC and they will be forced to tell us whose opinion carries the day, the majority or the chairman.

31/08/2022

Suspension Of Elections Was Planned To Lower Voter Turnout And Negatively Affect Baba Votes

In the pre-trial conference, the Supreme Court framed the concerns raised in the presidential election petitions into nine issues for its determination. I will not list the nine issues, but I would like to discuss issue number four in light of the gubernatorial and parliamentary elections held on 29 August.

Supreme Court issue number four is this; whether the postponement of gubernatorial elections in Kakamega and Mombasa counties, parliamentary elections in Kitui Rural, Kachileba, Rongai and Pokot South constituencies and electoral wards in Nyaki West and Kwa Njenga resulted in voter suppression to the detriment of Raila Odinga and Martha Karua.

This assertion that the gubernatorial elections in Mombasa and Kakamega were cancelled for ulterior motives has been made in paragraph 103 of the people's petition that is the petition by Baba and Martha. So according to the constitution, six elections from President to MCA are to be held on a single day and very specifically the second Tuesday in August in every fifth year.

So the people's petition then states that the IEBC chair of Wafula Chebukati with the knowledge connivance and collusion of William Ruto arbitrarily postponed and staggered the elections of governor in the populous counties of Kakamega and Mombasa without any constitutional authority, legal justification or reasonable excuse.

The people's petition further states that and I quote ‘Kakamega and Mombasa counties are electoral areas where Baba has a strong support base and support of the voters and the general populace and the postponement was to the disadvantage of Baba and for the benefit of Ruto’. So the conclusion of these points to issues for determination by the court is a win for Azimio. It means the Supreme Court will investigate the claim and determine whether there was any mischief in the suspension of elections that was engineered to lower voter turnout and negatively affect Baba and Martha's votes.

The Supreme Court will determine what it will use as evidence but if we look back at history Kakamega and Mombasa counties have traditionally voted ODM orange. They voted ODM orange in 2013 and 2017 then they voted Azimio blue in 2022. We say this because those suspended elections were held on 29 August, of the two gubernatorial and four parliamentary elections only one seat, the parliamentary seat in Rongai in Nakuru county went to UDA; the two governors and as well as the three parliamentary seats went to Azimio.

This points to Baba's assertion in the petition that elections were cancelled in his strongholds and there is a direct correlation between the turnout for the gubernatorial election and the turnout for the presidential election. The more people who come to vote for the governor, the more people who will also vote for the president. So to be honest I can't wait to hear the arguments on this issue and how people will whistle themselves out of this very true.

One interesting one was in the Pokot MCA elections where Ruto had won the presidential election but when it came to these lower county positions in these new elections, Baba or Azimio won all of them. So I think those are going to be questions that have to be raised how you could change your mind so much right for all the other seats and keep your mind in one location for only one seat.

31/08/2022

Wafula Chebukati; The Vladimir Putin Of The IEBC Must Face Criminal Charges

Only two elections have ever been “free and fair” reflecting the will of the people in Kenya. That would be the 1963 and 2002 general elections. All the other elections, and I mean all others have been shambolic. Even where the balloting was relatively free of illegalities and irregularities, the end result has often been an election that is stolen, or irredeemably compromised.

Election year in and election year out, voters come out in large numbers to choose their leaders, only to have their spirits murdered at the ballot box. The 2022 election hasn’t been any different. IEBC chairman Wafula Chebukati, and a tiny minority of commissioners, Prof. Abdi Guliye and Mr. Boya Molu has given the country two horribly fatal elections.

I don’t know what makes Mr. Chebukati tick. If I were him, I would have resigned after bungling the 2017 presidential election that was nullified by the Supreme Court. But true to his immobile nature, he stuck around. In 2022, he appears to have bungled another election, which is once again the subject of cases at the Supreme Court. But rather than exit hanging his head in shame, Mr. Chebukati has stuck to his guns, impervious of his sins. Instead, he’s chosen to run the IEBC with his two mates. He’s been taking most decisions to the exclusion of the majority in the commission.

He’s become the Vladimir Putin of the IEBC. His term mercifully comes to an end in January if he’s not ejected from office before then. The end is nigh. Institutions don’t often function as written on paper. Human beings run them and mould them to create tradition.

But in democratic countries, important institutions negotiate a happy middle between the role of the leader and the integrity of the institution. This negotiation is supposed to confer legitimacy on the institution so that it can effectively carry out its mandate without being suffocated by the leader. Otherwise, the institution becomes malevolent.

In Mr. Chebukati’s IEBC, you are rigged out through fake Forms 34A as alleged in court papers which are plucked from orbit and replaced on something called a portal. It sounds like a place where lobotomies of the brain are done. There’s information, which has been presented in court, suggesting that the IEBC tech infrastructure was being run from elsewhere – in a place not called Bomas. Some say abroad.

Perhaps we captured the Venezuelans but forgot that they had left the real IEBC from whence they came. It’s sickening. What kind of a patriot takes one of the most important institutions in a country and puts it asunder?

Was it a design problem of the IEBC that has made a monster out of the IEBC, or has Mr. Chebukati simply been a malign force? If so, how can we deal with him, and prevent his facsimile from ever taking over the IEBC? More importantly, how does the country make an example out of the IEBC leadership?

Something needs, and must, be done. We cannot simply let them walk away without facing the full weight of the law.

26/08/2022

There Was No Way IEBC Could Ensure That A Political Party Had Not Created Ghost Voters

Kenya is said to embrace technology in key electoral processes such as voter registration, voter verification and the transmission of results. It is in the first stage of voter verification that things can start to go wrong and eventually the whole process. As the saying goes, it doesn't go wrong it starts wrong.

The voter register lists the details of everyone who's registered to vote in public elections. It makes sure that only eligible people can vote. The Khalifa petition submitted to the Supreme Court tells us that the IEBC never conducted a deduplication of the voter register or rather the elimination of duplicate or redundant information to remove duplicates found after the KPMG audit report.

Now why is this important? Cleaning up voter registers is a responsible part of election administration because many people move; they die or become ineligible to vote for other reasons. The Khalifa petition argues that the IEBC was not responsible because they did not carry out a biometrical verification exercise.

A biometric database cannot be deduplicated without a biometric verification exercise. Without this exercise nothing stops a person from voting multiple times or users with a rogue access to critical databases from voting on behalf of voters whose records are duplicated; now we are told this in the petition. So the petition goes on to tell us again that there was no way IEBC could ensure that a political party had not created ghost voters. The Khalifa petition alleges that the IEBC did nothing to resolve an electoral system which KPMG, and I quote said ’found without integrity and characterized by a lack of accountability in the 2022 audit’.

Here the issues that they identified; there were 481,711 records with duplicated or blank ID cards or passports, 30% of these which is 144,674 had not been deactivated by the final audit in June 2022. Of 4,757 individuals who had registered more than once, only 1,141 had been deactivated by the final audit. 164,269 records had invalid document reference numbers in the register of voters when compared with the national registration bureau. This means only 11% of these had been deactivated by the final audit.

A whopping 246,465 records in the register were also on the list of deceased persons or they were dead. The Khalifa petition surmises that the duplicate voters in the register, is a confirmation that ghost voters were maintained in the register to affect the outcome of the presidential election. In the sense that the declared margin of victory of 50 plus one was less than the number of ghost voters in the register. Is it a coincidence that the difference William Ruto won by was a margin of 233,211 votes and the KPMG audit found double that number of ghost voters.

Lastly we must ask, why did the IEBC delay in commissioning the audit of the voter register publicly? It should have done so at least six months before; it did so only two months before the election. And if KPMG made several requests for the audit of the database hosting the registered voters, why did IEBC not provide the information requested in a timely manner? Those are very many irregularities.

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CONFESSION: "I know who murdered former Minister Mutula Kilonzo." Lawyer Paul Gicheru asserts

CONFESSION: "I know who murdered former Minister Mutula Kilonzo." Lawyer Paul Gicheru asserts Lawyer Paul Gicheru may have dropped a bombshell to authorities at the ICC. This involves the murder of the former Makueni Senator Mutula Kilonzo. In 2008, Mutula was interviewed some people (names withheld) working for a foreign agent contracted by the ICC. In the interview, Mutula expressed shock at the brutality leveled upon Kikuyu and Kamba communities in the Rift Valley. He spoke of the horrific murder of women and children from the two communities. He further blamed a senior Kalenjin politician for these murders. Though he didn't mention him by name, he gave credible clues of the perpetrator. "The mastermind of the violence meted out by Kalenjin warriors was my client," Kilonzo said, adding that he represented the mastermind in an election petition filed by his arch-nemesis. The arch-nemesis Mutula was referring to was the former MP Reuben Chesire. Chesire in 2002 had filed an election petition against William Ruto's Eldoret North constituency victory. Ruto - Chesire animosity dates back to the 90s when the former was the Organizing Secretary of the dreaded Moi era YK92 outfit. At one time, Chesire was beaten to a pulp at State House by Ruto in front of the late President, Daniel Arap Moi. According to a credible source within the Dutch authorities, Gicheru has information that Mutula Kilonzo, through proxies, filed a private prosecution suit against William Ruto at the ICC. The authorities further stated that the suit was watertight and was the substantial reason Bensouda didn't close the case against Ruto. However, a devious Ruto got to Mutula's witnesses before he even got to Ocampo's. Other sources close to Gicheru's kin have revealed that an NIS operative tipped the lawyer that some people were looking for him. It's believed that the intelligence operative advised him to run and seek witness protection. Gicheru and his family slipped out of the country

JUDICIARY AIDING TERRORISM

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CONFESSION: "I know who murdered former Minister Mutula Kilonzo." Lawyer Paul Gicheru asserts

JUDICIARY AIDING TERRORISM

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