OLF 50 years Anniversary

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OLF 50 years Anniversary Aim to educate the public on Oromo issues, to celebrate and to reinforce achievements of humanity.

The OLF is struggling to enable the Oromo people to realize this fundamental right and bring an end to century old oppression. OLF’s commitment to this objective is based on a democratic principle, that the Oromo people are endowed with the right to decide the type of sovereignty they want to live under and the type of political union they want to form with other peoples.

Daawud Ibsaa akkuma xiqqoo nyaataniin nama eegumsarra jirurraa dabaree fuudhee akka ol galee nyaatu taasise jedhu hiriyy...
17/07/2024

Daawud Ibsaa akkuma xiqqoo nyaataniin nama eegumsarra jirurraa dabaree fuudhee akka ol galee nyaatu taasise jedhu hiriyyaan Daawud Dr. Dagafaan.

Namootni torba bakkuma tokkotti yerooma sana yommuu du'an, isaan baala waanuma arge nyaatanii dabalataan namootni bishaan obaasuun akka lubbuun oolan Obbo Daawud BBC'tti himaniiru.

Guyyaa sana Tottobaa Waaqwayyaa Yuunivarsiitii Finfinnee kiiloo jaha, Yohaannis Dinqaa Yunivarsiitii Haramaayaa, Adam Mahaammad fi Suleyman Mahammad, Taaddasaa Shorroo kan jedhaman namootni torba bakka Sonkaa jedhamtutti akka dhuman Obbo Daawud ni dubbatu.

Daawud Ibsaa Ayyaanaa bara 1999 irraa eegalee hanga gara biyyaatti deebi'anitti hayyuu duree ABO tahuun tajaajilaa turan.

ABISHEE GARBAA- Abishee Garbaa abbaa duulaa ummata Oromoo naannoo Horroo jiraachaa turee yoo ta'u goota beekkamaadha. Ab...
13/07/2024

ABISHEE GARBAA
- Abishee Garbaa abbaa duulaa ummata Oromoo naannoo Horroo jiraachaa turee yoo ta'u goota beekkamaadha. Abbaan Abiishee Garbaa Hurruubaa yoo ta'u haatisaa ammoo Dagattee jedhamti. Aadde Dagatte daldaltuu beekkamtuu yoo taatuu abbaansaa ammoo abbaa duulaati.
- Abiishee Garbaa ilma abbaa duulaa Odaa Bulluq kan naannoo Horroo kan ture kan Garbaa Hurruubaati. Garbaa Hurruuba sirna Gadaatin Odaa Bulluqiin filatamee akka abbaa duulaatti bara 1850-54tti tajaajilaa ture. Waggaa afur akkuma tajaajileen Garbaan ni du'e. Abishee Garbaa kanatti fayyadamuun abbaa duulummaa abbaasaa kan waggaa afur hafe kana qabachuuf gaaffii dhiyeesse. Kunimmoo sirna Gadaa keessatti fudhatama kan hin qabne waan ta'eef mormiin isa mudate; garuu deeggartoota muraasaa keessattu dargaggoota ni qaba ture. Boodarra Abisheen abbaa duulummaa abbaasaa kana humnumaan dhaalee abbaa duulaa ta'e. Kunis bara 1855tti. Waggaan arfan hafan xumuramanis Abisheen aangoo akka sirna Gadaatti hin gadhiifne, ittuma fufee warra kaan amansiisun warra kaan ammoo doorsisuun akka aangoosaa fudhatan godhe. Naannoo Horrootti weerarri Goojjam yeroo yeroon kan dhufu waan tureef Abishen ammo kana sirriitti faccisaa waan tureef namoota birattis fudhatama argate. Abiisheen lolee naannoo kuma kudha shan ta'u qaba ture.
- Goojjamoonni Abiishee waraanaan injifachuu waan dadhabaniif, tooftadhaan qabuuf shira xaxan. Haala kanaan, waliigaltee nagaa si wajjin uumuu barbaadna jechuudhan ergaa karaa nama Qadiidaa Wannabee jedhamuu dhaamsa itti ergan. Karaadhuma Qadiidaas kennaa beennacha fardaa warqiirraa hojjatame erganiifi. Akkaataa kanaan Abiisheen Raas Darasuu wajjin walitti dhufee akka mari'atu haala mijeessan. Akka seera Oromoottis walii kakachuudhan wadaa nageenyaa kana Abiishee fi Goojjamoonni xumuran. Kakuun kan dhugaa akka hin taane abbotin duulaa Oromoo akka Dabalaa Gannaa fi Dagaa Hooroo jedhaman itti himanillee Abiisheen isaan hin dhageenye.
Haala kanaan waliigaltee erga uumanii booda, Goojjamoonni Laga Mormor ce'anii odoo Abiishen hin beekin daangaa Guduruu fi Horro gidduu jiru qaxxaamuranii loltusaanii Goodaa Kokor kan teessuma Abiishee Dooyyorraa 20km fagaatu qubachiisan. Abiishen erga kana dhaga'ee booda loltuusaa kan lakkoofsan kuma afur ta'an qabatee gara Goodaa Kokor deeme. Waliigalteen duraan waan qabaniif Abiishen waraanaf hin deemne. Erga achi ga'ee booda akka seera Oromootti bakara qabatanii man ol seenun safuu waan ta'eef Abiishen meeshaasaa ala ka'ee gara dunkaana Goojjamootaa mariif ol seene. Gojjamoonnis duskaana keessatti Abiishee qabanii gaadi'ani. Qabamuusaa kan ibsuufis dibbee yeroo rukutan loltoonni Abiishee waan raawwatame barani. Loltoonni Abiishes waraana jalqabani warra Goojjamootaa rukutuu jalqaban. Garuu jarri duraan qophaa'anii waan turaniif loltoota Abiishe ni injifatani. Lola kanarratti abbaaduulaa Dabaloo Gannaa dabalatee loltoonni baayyen du'ani, obboleessa Abiisheemmoo qaamnisaa irraa murame. Duulli kun Duula Goodaa Kokor jedhamee beekkama.
- Duula Goodaa Kokor kan Gurraandhala 13, 1877 Abiishee fi Raas Darasuu Abbaa Xooboo gidduutti godhamee (Abiishen odoo hin beekin waan gaadi'ameef kana jechuun nama rakkisa) kanaan loltuun Abishee injifatame. Abiisheen erga gaadi'amee booda deemuu waan dideef akka qotiyyootti harqota itti godhanii harkisanii gara Goojjam geessan. Abiishenis gowwoomfamuusaa erga baree booda aaridhaan quba harkasaa tokko alaanfatee fixe jedhama. Erga Goojjam geessanii booda niitin mootichaa goota loltusaanii yeroo baayyee injifate kana arguuf fida jettee fidchisiifte. Abiisheen ergarama beelaa fi darararran kan ka'e fokkisaa ta'ee argame jedhama. Niitin mootichas godummaasaa kanaan arrabsite. Kanaafis dubartoonni Horroo yeroo mammaakan:
"Kan goduma keerra kan gowwumaa ke siin jette niitin Adaal Tasammaa"
San booda, Abiishen iddoo Jabalaa fi Maxaraa jedhamutti hidhame. Achitti, Goojjamoonni Abiishee mormaa gadi jiraa awwaalanii mataasaarratti soogida firfirsan. Itti aansanii, fardeen erga itti gadilakkisani; akkaataa suukaneessaa kanaan Abiishen qorqamee du'e, reefisaas bataskaana Dabra Maarqos keessa jirutti awwaallame. Kana dhoksuuf jecha garuu gifiraan akka du'etti odeessisiisaa turani.
Abiishen erga du'ee booda Goojjamoonni aangoo obboleessa Abiishee Fandalalaa Garbaatti kennani. Fandalalaan gumaa Abiishee deebisuu waan dideef, ummanni akkas jedhee ittiin geerare:
"Faandee faandiyyaa Garbaa
Gumaa mootichaa hin baafnee
Siree mootichaa yaabdee"
Fudhatamni Fandalalaan uumata biratti qabu xiqqaa ture. Mootummaan Horroos odoo hin turin bakka adda addaatti qooddamuun warra Goojjamootaf amanamoo ta'aniif kenname, Fandalaan Gubayyaa qofa akka bulchu godhame. Yeroo Minilikii fi Goojjamoonni Waraana Imbaaboo geggeessan, Fandalalaan gara Goojjamootaa goree lolaa ture. Kanaafis, waraanni Minilik bara 1881tti Horroon rukutee ture.
- Reeffa Abiishee Horrotti deebisuuf yaalin adda addaa godhamaa turullee hanga ammaatti hin milkoofne. Yeroo Xaaliyaanin biyya kana qabatte ilmi Abiishee Fiitaawurari Amanuun reeffa abbaasaa deebisuuf yaalii godhaa turus hin milkoofne. Bara 1950n keessa akaakayyuun Abiishee Fitaawuraarii Oljirraa yaalaa ture.

Jaal Nagaasaa Kumsaa - Jaal Nagaasaan nama cimaa hooganaa cimaa waraana bilisummaa Oromoo yoo ta'u duraan miseensa humna...
16/06/2024

Jaal Nagaasaa Kumsaa
- Jaal Nagaasaan nama cimaa hooganaa cimaa waraana bilisummaa Oromoo yoo ta'u duraan miseensa humna qilleensaa Itoophiyaa ture; dargiin Oromoota adamsaa waan tureef isas fuudhanii mana hidhaa galchan.
- Waggaa jahaafis(6) mootummaa dargiin hidhamee boodarra jaal Daawud Ibsaa fi jaal Hundee Lataa waliin mana hidhaa dargii cabsanii bahan innis waraana bilisummaa Oromootti makame.
Ajajaa Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) Zoonii lixaa ta'ee osoo hojjetuu mudde 26 bara 1992 osoo wayyaanee waliin falmaa turetti wareegame.
-(1958 - 1992)

04/04/2024
Agarii Tullu: from serfdom to a revered Oromo heroOctober 2, 2013Written by Mohammed Ademo The history of the Oromo peop...
28/08/2023

Agarii Tullu: from serfdom to a revered Oromo hero
October 2, 2013

Written by Mohammed Ademo

The history of the Oromo people, Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group, is marked by socio-political oppression and a continuous resistance against it.

Every Ethiopian ruler, especially starting with emperor Menelik II, has devised systematic campaigns aimed at making the Oromo aliens in their own homeland, impoverishing millions by expropriating their land, and denying them the most basic human rights.

The Oromo, in various locales of Oromia – the Oromo country –have also put up powerful resistance at different times. The modern Oromo movement evolved from loosely organized local resistance(s) such as the Bale Oromo movement, the Macha Tulama Association, and the Afran Qallo musical group to name just three – culminating with the formation of a pan-Oromo movement, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). However, there were also several other popular movements against imperial Ethiopia and its social injustices, albeit less known even among the Oromo or sometimes erroneously misconstrued as economic or social banditry (shifta).

In undated segment of Maaliin Beekkaman, a program on the state-run Oromiya Radio, journalist Ababa Magra profiled one of those lesser known movements: Agarii Tullu’s fierce resistance against Haile Selassie’s monarchical rule.

Agarii was born and raised in Salale, Central Oromia, near, as they call it, Leman Selassie. Born to poor farmers, the short and light-skinned Agarii grew up witnessing the Oromo people’s serfdom and their mistreatment in the hands of feudal landlords. Following his father’s untimely death, Agarii, who never set foot in school, began working as a serf at a very young age for the local landlords. He started his service first as a herder and later worked in the farm for landowning bourgeois, including some who were Oromo.

He soon began rebelling, although then only a young teenager, against Haile Selassie’s absolutist rule which ruled under the banner of Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, King of Kings of Ethiopia, Elect of God. A great swimmer and an avid climber, Agarii knew that the Salale mountain range was conducive for resistance and the Salale Oromo had had enough of the feudal lordship imposed upon them. But he also understood that he needed some sort of military training and began devising strategies to acquire it. Subsequently, Agarii joined the imperial army in early 1950s, while he was in his late teens, and received military training – quickly becoming an armed bodyguard at the imperial palace in Finfinne (Addis Ababa), Ethiopia’s capital.

Background on Salale

Salale is home to the five clans of the Bacho Oromo tribe: Warab, Metta, Darra, Bacho, and Borana, according to Tigist Geme who conducted an ethnographic study in the area. Several Bacho subclans including Urru, Garasu, and Wajjitu also stride Salale particularly the districts of Garba Gurracha, Abote, and Goha in the North Shewa zone of Oromia region. Following the conquest of Oromo land in the second-half of 19th century by Menelik II, Geme writes, “the Salale Oromos scattered around the Ethiopian ‘Diaspora’ uprooted from their original home.” In this context, the Ethiopian diaspora refers to areas where the Salale Oromo were forced to resettle within Ethiopia but outside of the Salale proper, according to Geme.

Although the name Salale is sometimes used interchangeably in reference to both the people and the place, the etymology of the word derives from a mountain found west of the Dagam town, Geme explains in her book length thesis, the Themes and Patterns of Traditional Oromo Marriage Counseling.

The Salale Oromo practice mixed farming by dividing their livelihood between growing crops and rearing livestock. Like other Oromo tribes, the Salale were once followers of Waaqeffannaa, a belief in a monolithic God they call Waaqa or Waaqayyoo. Today they are largely Orthodox Christians. However, Geme observes, even among the Christian populations, Waaqa serves as “a point of reference in every aspect of the Salale day-to-day life activities deemed as religion, worldview, and social and moral order.”

“Children are told not to swear by Waaqa when they know they lie. Waaqa is believed to be Dhugaa (True), hence ‘Dhugaa’ is a word of swear to show one is ‘True.’”

Salale music and resistance culture

Salale is also home to some of the most decorated Oromo freedom fighters. General Taddesse Birru, Agariii Tullu, Hirko Tullu, Bekele Badhadha, Badhadha Dilgassa, Taddese Hordofa, Bekele Gurre, Assefa Sharo Lami, Mulu Wossenu, and Tullu Gamada hail from Salale, to name but a few. Natural warriors, the Salale are known for their Shimala/stick – which is used for fighting – horse riding, and heroic songs of resistance.

Absent the political channels to express societal grievances against an oppressive state, the Oromo, in all parts of Oromia, have over time developed distinct resistance music in the form of a folksong called Geerarsa.

But the Salale popular songs of resistance are peculiar not only in their subtlety but also abundance. An embodiment of the Salale life, resistance songs are at once a communal act – a statement of protest against oppression – as well as a tribute to their gallant heroes. That is why today one can easily find endearing songs for generations of Salale leaders who resisted feudalism like Agarii Tullu and his contemporaries.

The heroic deeds of Salale resistance leaders are told and passed down to generations through folk songs and stories of their bravery. As a weapon of their struggle, the lyrics evoke sadness, dislocation, internal migration, a crippling nostalgia about home or the loss thereof, and diasporic life.

When the Salale were forced out of their fatherland, “they moved along with their cattle on the long journey to Bale and Arsi for months and to other regions they thought relatively harmless,” according to Asafa T. Dibaba .

“The flight was a fight for the Salale, a passive resistance they practiced almost throughout the successive Ethiopian regimes signings such songs of flight:

Kuulle dhale

iyya-andaaqqoo

iyya-andaaqqoo gara boodaa

siifan dahabe

Lafa Abbaa koo

Lafa Abbaa koo kan dhalootaa

Kuulle, my cow, delivered

she delivered at dawn on the road

or toward the crack of dawn

I missed my Father Land

because of you oh, naftenya

my Fatherland I was born to own and to protect.”

Agarii Tullu the rebel

While working as an imperial bodyguard in the capital, Agarii met other Salale Oromos he knew from his youth, including General Tadesse Birru. He eventually joined the Macha Tulama association, a civic organization formed primarily to fight illiteracy and build rural roads. After partaking in the 1959 coup attempt orchestrated by Tadesse Birru, Agarii – now armed with military tactics and a gun – took matters into his own hands and left for the Salale Mountains. His two brothers Hirko and Jima, among other Salale resistance leaders, would later join the young rebel to fight against Haile Selassie’s feudal foot soldiers.

Strategic and calculative, Agarii first went about educating the Salale farmers to stand up for their rights and to challenge the feudal lords. Mountains and forested hills like Raaso Tanbaro, Leman, and Yabalo became Agarii’s abodes. The town of Dagam for which the Salale exuberantly sings ’Dagam yaa Dagam jaarsi jaarti laqam’ served as the center of his crusade against the status quo.

The Salale Mountains served as a temporary hideout but Agarii soon found his way “into the people’s hearts.” Those who understood the essence of Agarii’s struggle sympathized and sang endearing and sympathetic songs in his praise as follows:

Kuyyuun roobi yaa cabbii

Kuyyuun roobi yaa cabbii

Nabseetti faradanii

Agarii Tullu baasi yaa rabbi!

Oh, Rain a hail in Kuyyu

Oh, Rain a hail in Kuyyu

They condemned him to death

Dear God, spare Agarii!


Agariii yaa korma koo

Sifaan qalamaa hoo’u morma koo

Oh, Agarii, my hero

Let them cut my neck, I will die for you

Agarii was a common man, a champion of the poor, and a fierce opponent of the “bloodsucking” feudal lords, an avenger and a liberator to his people, according to Magra’s report. Setting himself apart from the rest of the outlaws, Agarii avoided theft and economic banditry, winning sympathy for his cause in whole of Salale – with the exception of those who expropriated the Oromo land and subjugated the masses.

Agarii remembered too well from his youth how the Salale were forced to flee to Bale and Arsi creating what Geme calls the Salale Diaspora, even if within Ethiopia. He wanted to prevent the expansion of commercial farming around Salale by Haile Selassie loyalists such as Fitawrari Amde Abara, the grandson of Ras Kassa, who forcibly bulldozed Salale houses to make way for his farms, according to Magra’s report.

Unable to stop the land grabs, in one of their resistance songs, the Salale appealed to Ayyaana warra – ancestral spirit – to punish the land grabbers. They sang the following chorus about Amde Abara:

Ati yaa Ambdee Abarraa,

Maaf qotte maasii lagarraa,

Hiyyeessi bade lafarraa,

Si haa argu ayyaani warra!

oh, Amdee Abarra

why you plowed the farm on the banks

and displaced the poor?

may their ancestral spirit judge you, punish you![1]

To the feudalists, Agarii was a villain, a shrewd bandit, and a grave threat to their power and well-being. That is why Haile Selassie’s security forces scrambled to capture him for years. Later, the government put a bounty on his head offering vast farmland and fi****ms to anyone who could capture or kill Agarii. According to Magra, the bounty was so large that some locals searched for Agarii through Salale’s forested hills for days and months on end. Agarii then devised strategies to preempt the government propaganda and scare off the locals from following his trails.

Toward that end, one day he called a meeting of locals and repeatedly shot himself with fake bullets to the public’s amazement so as to prove that he was invincible. He even asked the people to shoot him with the same gun, and the people shot at him but no blood was spilled. He announced, “even a bullet won’t kill me.” Following that theatrical gathering, Agarii apparently convinced the locals beyond doubt that he could not die. The public began to fear him. At the height of his resistance in early 1960s, according to Magra and Dibaba, people actually believed Agarii was a demigod and said prayers, cursed, and swore in his name.

In another instance, Agarii set up a makeshift tent fashioned after a feared Jaarii – a kind of spell or evil spirit – at a local marketplace to terrify those who tried to catch him. Many believed Agarii’s theatrics and deserted the market while some local officials knew it was one of Agarii’s ploys hatched to frighten unsuspecting local folks from pursuing him.

Agarii was eventually captured by Ethiopian forces in 1962 and hanged in a broad day light in the town of Dagam along with his two brothers. The following is a popular elegy famously sung by Agarii’s mother “recounting [his] heroic exploits and exalting the ethnic hero to the level of Waaqa,” according to Dibaba:

yoo utubaa dhaabani

samaayit’ jigen se’ee

yoo wadaroo hidhani

Waaqat’ gad bu’en se’ee

Agariii yaa Agariii

edaa guyyaa keet’ ga’ee

Salaaleen cidha ba’ee

seeing them erect a wooden pole

I thought the sky falling

seeing them tie a leather cord

I thought God descending

oh, Agarii, my Agarii

your day has come, your wedding day

for Salale to sing to dance and celebrate.

Agarii might have been unjustly executed but he lived a heroic life, one that continues to inspire a generation of Oromo revolutionaries.

[1] Translation from Assafa T. Dibaba’s blog.

*Dereje Dadi Areda provided the idea for this article, additional reporting, and the audio broadcasts from Radio Oromiyaa. The entire five-week radio documentary is presented in the above video as it was broadcast on Oromiyaa Radio, with limited editing of only the transitions.

OPride.com

24/07/2023

የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባር 50ኛ ዓመት በሜልበርን-አውስትራሊያ ተከበረ

Jaal Muhe Abdo: the Versatile Man, the Architect of “Nationalities Question”Jaal Muhee Abdo was an active member of the ...
26/06/2023

Jaal Muhe Abdo: the Versatile Man, the Architect of “Nationalities Question”
Jaal Muhee Abdo was an active member of the Ethiopian Students Movement at the Addis Ababa (formerly, the Haile-Sellassie) University in the early 1970’s. He later became a member of the 5-men Oromo Liberation Front’s top leadership, known as the Supreme Politico Military Command (SPMC), in September 1977.
as a Mentor
Muhe Abdo was also a vanguard member of the Haile Selassie I University Students Union (USUAA) leadership. He was one of the designers of movement agendas and an Oromo guru in the nationalist circle. He deliberately stayed on campus for long time (a decade) for he believed the university setting was the best haven for the struggle against the tyrant system and a suitable place to mentor and groom revolutionaries. In those long years, he was a counselor of revolutionaries. Many people Muhe to none in the depth of knowledge he possessed. If there was Haile Fida was his parallel. Both were the true disciples of Marxist Leninist ideology studying it by heart. Others also put Berhanemeskel Reda in this category. Muhe Abdo was a voracious reader, a mature politician, (a student of pedagogy and political science by trade) who was gifted to cultivate followers.
He was such a versatile thinker who also understood layers of oppression imposed on peoples of the Ethiopia bearing multiple identities: being a Muslim, an Oromo, a Worji clan member, all who are victims of the system. The Worji clan was denied landownership by design. The Worji Oromo clan were evicted from their ancestral land in Sendafa area because of their fierce resistance to Minilik’s army during the annexation process. As a result Muhe’s own family were internal refugee who fled to Arsi from Shewa. Muhe was also aware of the status of Muslims in Ethiopia.
Abdo and Tilahun Gizaw
Tilahun Gizaw, the icon of student struggle who was assassinated by the Haile Selassie regime intellgence was not successful to be elected president of USUAA when he contended in 1968. He narrowly lost the election for the presidency of the Union of Students of the University (USUAA) to Mekonnen Bishaw. The contest was perceived as the struggle between commitment to the Ethiopian masses, represented by Tilahun Gizaw and reactionary reformism, represented by Mekonnen Bishaw. The regime sensed the contest as a fight between fanaticism and reason/moderation. Disappointed, Tilahun Gizaw withdrew from the university for one year. Upon his return, he had expanded his knowledge of revolutionary literature and its application in the Ethiopian context. He was close to the activists during the troubled spring of 1969. The man behind Tilahun’s success was Muhe Abdo. He mentored Tilahun for candidacy in the way the latter could outsmart his competitors.
In November 1969, (whilst he was a third-year political science student), Tilahun Gizaw was elected President of the USUAA. He became president in the same month as the ultimate challenge to the regime appeared in the student paper “Struggle” (the status of, and policy towards, nationalities of the country).
in Labour Union
As there were on and off times during his university days because of turbulences related to student protests, Muhe had no leisure time for himself. He was engaged in voluntary service for All Ethiopian Trade Union capacity building. He wanted to see a viable working class in Ethiopia. He was in close touch with AETU representatives.
After the mysterious killing of Mr. Abera Gemu, who was seen as a father of AETU (for he tremendously campaigned to for the formation of the trade union during Haile Sellassie regime) which was followed by disbandment of his colleagues, the leadership of Ethiopian Trade Union was taken over by Eritrean natives. This leadership was more consumed advocacy for Eritrean liberation than defending working-class rights. In reaction to this carelessness, a trade union named as Addis Ababa and Environ Workers Trade Union terrifically guided by Muhe Abdo. As he was mindful of the international situation, he corresponded with Warsaw Solidarity Trade Union (Socialist Countries International Union) and registered the Addis Ababa and Environ Trade Union in the socialist camp.
in the Genesis of OLF and beyond
Muhe’s Role in the Formation of OLF
The outrageous ban on Mecha and Tuluma Self-Help Association (MTSHA) in 1967, by the Imperial regime of Haile Selassie I, which was followed by a wave of mass arrests and killings of its members and leaders generated extreme distress among the Oromo elites. It also posed a serious concern regarding the destiny of the Oromo people in the repressive empire. Oromo elites started to exchange ideas as to how to tackle the challenges posed on the Oromo people. They reached a consensus to have a political organization that should steer the struggle for emancipation of the Oromo people.
One of such Oromo souls who believed to do so and was determined to form an Oromo political organization was Baro Tumsa. In the other parts of Oromia (South and East), there had already been resistance movements, not yet outlined a defined political goal per se. After the crackdown on MTSHA Baro and his colleagues committed themselves to working underground on how to establish a political organization that could liberate the Oromo nation. While brainstorming was in progress on the issue Baro and his friend Gada Gameda (aka Demissie Techane) were frequently visiting General Taddesse Biru at Galemsso prison. They were also receiving advice on how to continue with the struggle.
Accordingly In 1973, Baro Tumsa, Megerssa Bari and Geda Gameda formed a clandestine movement named Birkii, which can be described as the inception of OLF. Baro was the chairperson of the movement while Megerssa and Geda were vice chairperson and editor of Backalcha, an organ Birkii respectively. In fact, Baro was the architect of Birkii, which was meant to pave the way for the formation of a political vanguard of the Oromo struggle. Birkii was composed of three groups-A, B and C.
Brkii A was headed by Muhe Abdo. Other members in the group were Zekaria Hussine, Geda Gamada, Abba Xiiqii (Aboma Mitiku), Usman Gobena and Mohammed Ibrahim.
In Birkii B were people like Negeri Feyissa, Gelassa Dilbo (Yohannes Benti), Olana Zoga (Ayele Zooga), and Taddese Genna (Not sure whether Negeri or Gelassa was head of the group)
Brkii C was composed of people like Mulugeta Mosissa, Kebede Demissie, Adinew Wakjira (Mulugeta was an economics student at AAU while Kebede was from ministry of agriculture and Adinew was from ministry of foreign affairs)
These groups were tasked with different works (mainly recruiting members, promoting nationalities’ causes and inducting members about solutions to social and political injustices in the empire).
’s Mission to Yemen
In 1973 shortly after the formation of Birkiis, group A of Birkii led by Muhe Abdo headed to Yemen via Djibouti, an adventurous yet risky journey by sea. The then South Yemen was a socialist country, in the Arab world to support leftist movements. The delegation led by Muhe discussed with Yemen officials on ways of obtaining material, political and moral support from the socialist camp. It also met with Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) representatives in Yemen. The response they obtained from Yemenis was positive in principle but necessitated something as a prerequisite. The host asked the delegate if the Oromo people had a political organization and if they were engaged in armed struggle. The delegates boldly answered that they had a political organization, even though OLF was not yet formally in place, but only under process of formation. Regarding the armed struggle they didn’t have yes answer despite the fact that the struggle in Bale had already started but it was not owned by the OLF under formation. Thus, the mission believed in the importance of armed struggle to obtain armament, technical and logistical supplies
A in Mogadishu
On its way back to Shagar from Aden, the delegate led by Muhe Abdo went to Mogadishu to deal with Somalian authorities on garnering support and opening office in the Somalia capital. Siad Barre’s regime which was dreaming to annex a substantial portion of the Oromo land in the south and the east didn’t welcome Birkii’s request. Muhe and his team found General Waqo Gutu, Colonel Adem Jilo (Haji Adem Jilo), Colonel Waqo Lugo who were under arrest because of their refusal to fight the Ethiopian government as a Somali Abo guerilla, a brand name given by Barre government, instead of fighting under an Oromo banner.
The Birkii had also the chance to meet with Jarra Abba Geda and Mul’is Abba Gada both who were detained in Hergessa while trying to smuggle foreign trained Oromo militants to fight the Ethiopian regime. The two giants were transferred to Mogadishu from Hergessa by the time Muhe and his team were in Mogadishu. All the Oromo groups were detained in Mogadishu for the same reason-refusing to take the name given to them by Barre regime.
The only success to be in Mogadishu for the Birkii was that different Oromo groups got the chance to meet each other and discuss their people’s destiny. (As a matter of fact, all the three groups of Birkii traveled to Mogadishu one after another from 1973-1975 to have an office of OLF in Somalia, out of a dire need to have a base in an adjacent territory to Oromia. None was succeeded to obtain support from Somalia except lip services).
Meanwhile, the Muhe team was in Mogadishu, situations in back home changed swiftly. The popular revolution rolled forward at fast pace to topple the monarchial regime. The Oromo groups in Mogadishu were set free from the grip of Said Barre and got the chance to convene with Baro and his comrades to discuss way forward.
While Muhe and his team were on mission, Baro didn’t stop to discuss secretly with General Tadesse Biru. Sources indicate that Tadesse suggested to Baro and his “boys” establish an Oromo Liberation Army base in Gelamsso. After the Abba Gadas (Jarra and Mul’is) met with Baro, Badho, Zegeye and other figures in Finfinnee, they endorsed the proposal of establishing liberation army base in Hrargie.
After the official formation of OLF, it was necessary to design different strategies to back the armed struggle in all frontiers. The OLF members agreed to infiltrate into various political organizations as a cover. Revolutionary Flame (Abiyotawi Seded), All Ethiopian Socialist Movement (MESON) and Ethiopian Oppressed People’s Struggle (Echat) were the main targets. People like Muhe Abdo and Gezahegen Kassahun Jarra (Beka) were recommended to join Seded and Baro and many OLFtes were the core maneuvers of Echat. In fact, too many others remained just OLF in different civil and trade union bureaucratic structures operating underground.
’s role in developing OLF program
Many people believe that the OLF programe was written by Mhue Abdo. In some literatures it is written that Muhe wrote an OLF manifesto (Kayyoo Ganamaa). I am not sure if by Kayyo Ganamaa, they mean the detailed program or a sort of communique. Fortunately, the OLF founders are still alive and they can correct us. My take is that the founders of OLF were intellectuals graduated from best universities in the USA and the then reputable Addis Ababa University. (Just to mention a few giants: Zegeye Asfaw, Abiyou Geleta, Ibsa Gutema, Lencho Leta, Megerssa Beri, Aboma Mitiku, Muhe Abdo name them one by one). If there was any political organization to be formed by the creams of the cream, the best intellectuals the country ever produced, it was OLF. MESON was another collection of intellectuals formed by Haile Fida (in fact from different ethnic groups). Therefore, I believe, the OLF founders might have tasked Muhe to draft the document, but one cannot claim the entire document was the brain child of Muhe Abdo.
in the Armed Struggle
When OLF was formally established its own base in Harargie, Muhe didn’t want to stay in town to work with the Dergue (Seded). Rather he chose to serve in Oromo Liberation Army. In addition to his position as Oromo Liberation Front Politburo member, he was the head of politico supreme command under the liberation army headed by Jarra Abba Gada. During his stay in the field, he completely transformed his lifestyle and physical appearance to a farmer’s way. He was absolutely identical to an ordinary local Oromo farmer in Herergie. He learned how to live without footwear and his foot was as coarse as that of any rural poor. He got an ID of the farmers’ association and had no problem to travel from place to place for mission
’s Mission to Finfinnee
The urban operative in Finfinnee, which was led by Mulugeta Mosissa was responsible for logistics and support coordination in addition to recruiting combatants to replenish the field operation. However, in 1980 there happened some shortfalls that were not possible to be solved by the comrades in Finfinnee. Muhe was delegated to look into the matter by meeting face to face with the Finfinnee comrades. He traveled to Finfinnee and was hosted by Gezahgen Kasahun (Beka) who was a Deputy Vice President of the All Ethiopian Trade Union (AETU), and at the same time a member of Seded. By the way he was the friend of Captain Fikresillasie Wogderes, the long-time Prime Minister of the Dergue era. However, Beka was an OLF member, Seded and AETU were only covers of struggle. When Muhe arrived in Finfinnee Beka invited anoter colleague at AETU, Demissie Kebede Serda, who was Vice President of the Union. Serda was not a member of any official organizations of the day other than the OLF.
As betrayal is always, a deep-rooted curse, a cancer with no remedy in our society, a certain Solomon Degefa, who was working with Beka and Serda as an OLF member betrayed his comrades. He informed the Dergue that Muhe the great OLF man was in town with the rest of the comrades. (By the way, the Dergue investigators told their victims that Solomon Degefa helped them to fish out the OLF giants from their “den”).
On the evening of January 30, 1980, Beka’s home was raided while the three comrades Muhe, Beka, and Serda were discussing matters pertaining to their organization, OLF. The three were captured and shoved to Dergue Office (aka Menilik’s Palace, the favorite space of Abiy Ahmed of our day). They were tortured for a solid 8 years. (The OLF gurus Muhe Abdo, Ibsa Gutema, Zegeye Asfaw, Demissie Kebede Serda, Abiyou Geleta, Eshetu Letu, Mulugeta Mossisa) were detained for 8 years at the Dergue office (the Palace), then transferred to Maekelawi. Fortunately the rest of Muhe’s comrades in the palace cell survived because the Dergue was removed before it finished them one by one.
However on October 18, 1986, Muhe, Beka (Gezahegn Kasahun) and two other comrades Kebede Demissie and Yigezu Wake were taken from Maikelawi prison cell and clod bloodily butchered together with Muhe by the Dergue beasts. Their body was dumped to a mass grave at the backyard of Kotebe Intelligence Service Center. Shortly after EPRDF seized power Muhe’s body and that of his comrades were excavated from the Kotobe mass grave yard and laid to rest in Martyrs’ Museum built EPRDF at Meskel Square in Finfinnee.
In his book, Prison of Conscience: Upper Compound Maa’kalaawii, Obbo Ibsaa Guutama, who had been a political prison with Obbo Muhee Abdo at Maa’ikalaawii, notes: “It’s suffice to mention four victims of state brutality that the writer believes would represent that restless generation, four outstanding student leaders of the epoch, Waalilliny Mokonin, Haayilee Fidaa, Brihana Masqal Raddaa, and Muhee Abdoo Abbaa Duulaa.”

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