Swazi Bridge News

30/01/2025

KAGAME OPENLY LAMBASTS RAMAPHOSA ON SOCIAL MEDIA AND TELLS SOUTH AFRICA IF ITS WAR THEY WANT THEN THEY STAND READY

By Dudu Lushaba

Rwandan President Paul Kagame has sharply criticized South African President Cyril Ramaphosa and his government over their handling of the escalating conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in an explosive social media post. In an X post, formely called Twitter, Kagame accused Ramaphosa of distorting facts, making "deliberate attacks," and even spreading "lies" about their recent discussions regarding the crisis. Even more interesting is his veiled threat that if South Africa want war they will give it to them.

The diplomatic fallout comes after Ramaphosa publicly announced the deaths of 13 South African soldiers deployed as part of the Southern African Development Community Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC). The South African president blamed the losses on escalations by the M23 rebel group and the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), which he referred to as a "militia" backing M23 against the Congolese army and regional peacekeepers.

Kagame fired back, rejecting South Africa’s narrative and defending Rwanda’s role in the conflict. "The Rwanda Defence Force is an army, not a militia," Kagame said, insisting that Rwanda is being misrepresented. He further claimed that SAMIDRC is not a peacekeeping force but an offensive military intervention working in favor of the Congolese government while supporting genocidal groups like the FDLR, which has historical ties to the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

Kagame also accused South Africa of misleading the public about the nature of their discussions. "President Ramaphosa has never given a 'warning' of any kind unless it was delivered in his local language which I do not understand," Kagame wrote. He added that Ramaphosa had actually sought assistance to ensure that South African troops had access to food, water, and electricity in the DRC.

One of the most striking claims from Kagame was that Ramaphosa admitted in private that the M23 rebels were not responsible for killing South African soldiers. "President Ramaphosa confirmed to me that M23 did not kill the soldiers from South Africa, FARDC did," Kagame stated.

The Rwandan leader also dismissed South Africa’s ambitions of playing a mediating role in the conflict, saying, "If South Africa wants to contribute to peaceful solutions, that is well and good, but South Africa is in no position to take on the role of a peacemaker or mediator." He warned that if Pretoria preferred confrontation, "Rwanda will deal with the matter in that context any day."

The war of words between the two leaders exposes deep divisions within Africa over the DRC crisis. South Africa, a leading power in the Southern African Development Community (SADC), has committed troops under SAMIDRC to fight alongside the Congolese army against M23 and its alleged Rwandan backers. Kagame, however, sees South Africa's intervention as illegitimate, arguing that it replaced the East African Community Regional Force, which had a different mandate focused on de-escalation and negotiations.

South Africa has doubled down on its support for the DRC government, calling for an end to foreign interference and reaffirming its commitment to regional peace efforts, including the Nairobi and Luanda Processes. The United Nations Security Council recently echoed these calls, demanding an immediate ceasefire and withdrawal of foreign forces from Congolese territory.

Meanwhile, Kagame’s comments signal growing tensions between SADC and Rwanda, with the potential to strain broader diplomatic relations on the continent. Kagame made sure to remind South Africa that if it "prefers confrontation, Rwanda will deal with the matter in that context any day". Ramaphosa had not responded to Kagame at the time of writing this story.

28/01/2025

CONFLICT IN THE DRC AND PEACE KEEPING MISSIONS IN THE CONTINENT: WHY DO WE NEED AN ARMY IF WE CANT HELP OUR FELLOW AFRICANS?

By Editorial comment

Eswatini’s military has never participated in peacekeeping missions, a glaring omission in an era where many African nations are actively working to resolve conflicts and contribute to regional stability. While countries like South Africa and Rwanda deploy soldiers to critical missions, such as addressing the ongoing crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the Umbutfo Eswatini Defence Force (UEDF) remains confined to domestic duties, largely focused on suppressing internal dissent rather than engaging in meaningful contributions to Africa’s collective security challenges.

The conflict in the DRC, fueled by armed rebel groups terrorizing civilians, highlights the need for African solidarity in peacekeeping efforts. Nations such as Kenya and South Africa have stepped up to support Congolese forces in pushing back these rebels, emphasizing a shared commitment to African solutions for African problems. Eswatini, however, has opted out of such initiatives, despite the opportunity to contribute to stabilizing one of the continent’s most troubled regions. By remaining on the sidelines, Eswatini not only forfeits the chance to help the DRC but also misses out on the diplomatic and professional benefits that come with such international engagements.

One major reason for this absence is the limited capacity of the UEDF. With a small force, Eswatini’s military lacks the manpower, specialized training, and logistical resources necessary for international missions. Peacekeeping requires expertise in conflict resolution, civilian protection, and navigating complex war zones—areas where the UEDF has not invested. Unlike its regional counterparts, Eswatini does not prioritize developing an army capable of contributing to peace and security beyond its borders.

This lack of involvement reflects Eswatini’s broader inward-looking approach. The kingdom’s foreign policy is insular, with little interest in engaging with continental initiatives or addressing Africa’s pressing issues. While nations like Rwanda leverage their peacekeeping contributions to enhance their global standing and foster regional cooperation, Eswatini’s leadership seems content to remain detached. This detachment undermines the kingdom’s potential role as an active participant in the African Union or Southern African Development Community (SADC) efforts to address regional conflicts.

Instead of fostering regional or global goodwill, the UEDF has been reduced to a tool for internal repression. Its primary role is to suppress domestic uprisings, police protests, and protect the monarchy from perceived threats. This prioritization of internal security over regional engagement not only diminishes Eswatini’s standing in Africa but also raises questions about the necessity of having a standing army at all.

Eswatini faces no external military threats. Its neighbors—South Africa, Mozambique, and Botswana—are peaceful states with no history of aggression toward the kingdom. In the absence of any external danger, the army’s existence appears unjustifiable. Critics argue that the resources allocated to the UEDF could be better spent on addressing urgent domestic needs such as healthcare, education, and economic development.

Furthermore, the kingdom’s refusal to engage with African conflicts like the one in the DRC suggests a missed opportunity to redefine the role of its military. Rather than focusing solely on domestic suppression, Eswatini could restructure its army into a smaller, professionalized force capable of contributing to regional peacekeeping missions. Such a shift would not only align the kingdom with continental priorities but also provide its soldiers with invaluable experience in professional military operations.

By ignoring the DRC and similar crises, Eswatini reinforces its image as an inward-looking kingdom, unwilling to contribute to Africa’s stability. This insularity is not only a disservice to the continent but also to its own people, who deserve a government and a military that prioritize long-term progress over the preservation of an outdated status quo.

28/01/2025

SIX ESWATINI NATIONALS FACE DEPORTATION FROM THE USA AMID GROWING IMMIGRATION CRACKDOWN

Sindile Dlamini, Washington, D.C. — January 28, 2025

The United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has revealed a new deportation list containing over 1.4 million individuals slated for removal from the country. Among these are six citizens of Eswatini, marking a rare inclusion from the small Southern African nation in the broader U.S. immigration enforcement campaign.

The latest statistics, released by ICE's Enforcement and Removal Operations division, highlight Eswatini's minimal footprint in the U.S. immigration system compared to neighboring nations like South Africa (379 individuals) or larger African countries such as Nigeria (3,690) and Ethiopia (1,713). Still, the deportation of any Eswatini nationals raises significant questions about the drivers behind their presence in the U.S. and their legal circumstances.

Eswatini’s low numbers on ICE's non-detained docket reflect the country’s limited migratory footprint. While countries like Guatemala and Mexico top the deportation list with over 250,000 cases each, Eswatini's six cases could stem from a mix of visa overstays, criminal charges, or asylum applications denied under stringent U.S. immigration laws.

Local Eswatini experts suggest that individuals leaving the kingdom may be seeking opportunities unavailable at home due to high unemployment rates, limited political freedoms, or better education prospects abroad. The ongoing political instability and rising crime in Eswatini might also contribute to their motivations for seeking refuge overseas, though ICE’s report did not provide case-specific details.

The report notes that ICE’s ability to deport individuals can be hindered by various legal and diplomatic challenges. While Eswatini is not listed among the "uncooperative" countries, logistical and bureaucratic delays can stall removals. Human rights groups argue that deporting individuals without considering their political or personal safety contradicts international norms, particularly if they face persecution or other risks upon return.

For Eswatini nationals, these concerns resonate deeply. As one Eswatini legal expert noted, “Given the kingdom’s struggles with political dissent and a fragile economy, the deportation of even a handful of individuals could spark broader discussions about how nations like Eswatini are supporting—or failing—their citizens abroad.”

The spotlight on Eswatini nationals is part of a broader U.S. effort to ramp up immigration enforcement under current federal policy. With over 1.4 million individuals on ICE’s non-detained docket, deportation debates in the U.S. remain politically charged. However, smaller nations like Eswatini often get swept into the conversation, raising unique challenges for their foreign policy and domestic reintegration programs.

For the six citizens awaiting deportation, their fate could hinge on last-minute appeals or diplomatic negotiations. As the U.S. intensifies its immigration crackdown, this story underscores the ripple effects of global migration policies on even the smallest nations.

27/01/2025

U.S. TECH STOCK SLIDE AMID BUZZ OVER CHINESE DEEP SEEK AI STARTUP
....What To Know About DeepSeek And Its Chart Topping App

By Siladitya Ray (Forbes Staff)

Several major U.S. tech and artificial intelligence stocks tumbled in premarket trading early on Monday, after the successful launch of Chinese startup DeepSeek’s latest AI model—which impressed observers by running on less powerful chips compared to U.S. rivals like OpenAI’s o1—triggered questions about America’s leadership in the space.

What Do We Know About Deepseek And Its Latest Product?

DeepSeek is an AI startup based out of Hangzhou, China which is less than two years old. The company was spun off in March 2023 from High-Flyer Quant, a Chinese hedge fund that heavily used AI to manage its trades. DeepSeek launched its AI language model in November 2023 as an open-source product—allowing users to download and run it locally on their own computers. DeepSeek’s latest product R1—an open-sourced so-called “reasoning model”—launched last week and the company claims its performance matches OpenAI’s o1 model in certain benchmarks.

What Sets Deepseek’s R1 Apart?

Even though it matches rival models from OpenAI and Meta on certain benchmarks, DeepSeek’s model also appears to be more efficient, which means it requires less computing power to train and run. The MIT Technology Review reported this is likely an unintended outcome of U.S. export controls on high-end AI chips to China—which is forcing startups in the country to “prioritize efficiency.” Billionaire and Silicon Valley venture capitalist Marc Andreessen described R1 as “AI's Sputnik moment,” in an X post. The efficiency has also allowed DeepSeek to massively undercut OpenAI on pricing, as its application programming interface (API)—which allows other businesses and platforms to leverage the startup’s AI model—costs just $0.55 per million input tokens and $2.19 per million output tokens, compared to $15 and $60 for OpenAI’s o1.

Surprising Fact

DeepSeek’s iPhone app surged to the top of the App Store's download charts for free apps in the U.S. on Sunday, overtaking OpenAI’s ChatGPT.

This is a developing story.

Source: Forbes website

26/01/2025

The Bridge was right, yet again.

KING MSWATI'S INFLUENCE IS UNMISTAKABLE IN ZUMA'S LEADERSHIP OF MKP

By Dudu Lushaba., October 2024

The formation of Jacob Zuma’s MK Party (MKP) has drawn significant attention, not just for its political agenda, but for the immense concentration of power vested in Zuma. Many observers note that the MKP’s constitution effectively grants Zuma near-absolute control over the party, with powers to hire, fire, and issue decrees reminiscent of a monarch. This leadership style mirrors the executive powers wielded by King Mswati III of Eswatini, drawing comparisons between the two leaders' methods of governance, their personal lives, and their influence on the African political landscape.

The MKP constitution places Jacob Zuma at the apex of the party’s structure, granting him sweeping powers that eclipse those typically found in democratic movements. Political commentators have noted that the party is not just Zuma’s brainchild but also a reflection of his leadership ethos, which, to some, borders on cult-like. This concentration of power has led to criticisms that MKP is less a political movement and more a vehicle for Zuma’s continued influence in South African politics, making him akin to a modern-day king in his own right.

Zuma’s leadership style has long been a subject of debate. Known for his populist rhetoric and his ability to rally strong support from his many court cases, his political survival through multiple scandals is testament to the grip he maintains over his followers. His Nkandla residence, previously at the center of South African political controversy, is now seen as the unofficial headquarters of the MKP. Much like a royal palace, it symbolizes his stronghold, not only over his supporters but over the structure and direction of the party itself.

Parallels with King Mswati’s Power

King Mswati III of Eswatini exercises similar autocratic power in his kingdom. As the absolute monarch, Mswati controls the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. His ability to appoint and dismiss political leaders at will, decree laws, and command the country’s resources is strikingly similar to the powers Zuma wields within MKP. Both leaders operate in systems where opposition to their authority is marginalized, and their respective political structures function more like kingdoms than democracies.

The personal lives of both men also offer intriguing parallels. Zuma, known for his polygamous marriages, has multiple wives, just like King Mswati, who is well-known for his many queens. This shared approach to family life has often been highlighted as a reflection of their traditionalist, patriarchal views on leadership and power. In Zuma’s case, the political base of MKP is deeply rooted in rural communities that value such traditional roles, allowing him to draw on this image of a patriarch-king figure. Similarly, Mswati’s own legitimacy as a monarch is tied to Eswatini’s long-standing cultural and royal traditions.

Speculation of Mswati’s Support for MKP

Some political analysts have long suggested that King Mswati might be more than just a political ally of Zuma. Allegations have surfaced that Mswati may have helped bankroll the formation of MKP, possibly through access to funds linked to former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. These speculations are difficult to prove but persist in some circles, particularly given the long-standing relationship between Zuma and Mswati.

Their personal connection began when Zuma attempted to marry King mswati's half sister Princess Sbentile Dlamini. Even though this marriage became a none starter it did little to jeopardise the relationship between Monarch and the former South African President. In 2017, Zuma’s son, Mxolisi, paid 120 cattle as lobola for Princess Ziyanda and was subsequently allocated land in Mafutseni where he built a home for the family.

These marriages not only bind the families but also create a complex web of alliances that extend beyond personal relationships into the realms of power and political influence. Zuma’s visits to Eswatini have been frequent, and their relationship has been publicly visible, with speculation that Mswati may have played a role behind the scenes in shaping Zuma’s political moves. In recent years, these ties have deepened. The announcement of a marriage between one of Zuma’s children and a member of the Eswatini royal family further intertwined their dynasties, blurring the lines between personal alliances and political strategies.

Leadership Styles: Comparing Zuma and Mswati

While Zuma’s leadership has often been marked by populism, scandal, and controversy, Mswati’s reign has been defined by an unchallenged, absolute control over Eswatini’s affairs. Both men, however, have shown an ability to navigate crises and maintain loyalty among their inner circles. Zuma’s survival in the face of numerous political and legal challenges is a testament to his political cunning, much like Mswati’s ability to maintain his monarchy in an era when absolute rule has been widely questioned on the African continent.

In the end, both Zuma and Mswati operate in systems that have evolved around their personalities and leadership styles. While one reigns as an absolute monarch and the other leads a political party, the parallels between their rule are unmistakable. Both rely heavily on personal networks, exercise near-absolute power in their spheres, and are deeply entrenched in traditional structures that support their leadership.

With Zuma’s MKP gaining traction and the continued reign of King Mswati, the political landscape of Southern Africa may yet see more from this dynamic, powerful duo. Their intertwined fates, personal connections, and shared political tactics make them figures to watch in the region’s future.

25/01/2025

29 YEARS LATER JAN SITHOLE AND WORKERS' DREAM COMES TO LIFE BUT LOOK WHO GETS THE CREDIT

By Editorial comment

The conversion of SNPF from a Provident Fund to a Pension Fund was one of SFTU's 27 demands way back in 1995—1996; for which they went on mass stay aways. Today Cabinet gets plaudits for doing what was demanded 30 years ago. We hope someone gives credit where it is due: Jan Sithole, Jabulani Nxumalo and Richard Nxumalo and all those who took to the streets all those who took to the streets during the stay aways. We specifically name the three men because they were jailed during the 1996 stay away. Today it was announced that the government has ceded to the demands of workers just as it gave in to the demand for free education and repeal of the labour relations law of yesteryears.

At retirement a Provident Fund pays out the full lump sign and a pension fund pays out part of the lump sign plus a monthly annuity until you die ( what is colloquially called kuvela efasitelweni).

For the uninitiated, the main benefit of the conversion is that members of the Provident Fund (perhaps the fund will have a different name on conversion) will get monthly pensions instead of one lump sum. Let's assume Sibusiso Dlamini was a member of SNPF. On retirement his benefit is worth E 1 000 000.00. Currently SNPF will pay him the full amount. After the conversion the fund will pay E250 000.00 as a lump sum and the balance will be paid out monthly until you die.

Background

In 1994 the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU) called a two day general strike for the 21- 22 of February. More than 10 000 workers participated. The Swazi economy was paralysed. The strike also received support from the unemployed and hawkers. The SFTU put 27 demands to the government. These demands includes a repeal of oppressive labour laws and the removal of the 1973 royal decree which banned political parties. Workers also called for the end of corruption and demanded a democratic and transparent government.

The general strike marked a turning point in Swaziland’s labour history. It was a success and boosted workers confidence in their ability to take on the bosses and the state. Workers mood was militant and an unprecedented number of strikes occurred in almost all the sections of the economy. Almost all the strikes were won.

The general strike had forced the government to set up a tripartite forum to look at the 27 demands and make recommendations. In September 1994, the forum submitted its recommendations to the government. SFTU accepted the recommendations. But the government shelved the report and did not release it to the public.

SFTU rejected this government action. SFTU decided to flex its muscles again and called another general strike for 1 November, 1995. SFTU said that this strike would continue until all their demands were met. Under pressure from the bosses (who had incurred large loses in previous strike actions) the government backed down on the day before the strike. The government gave into most of the workers demands and said that it would refer them to parliament.

20/01/2025

Thulani Maseko: A Fallen Giant Whose Legacy Defies Death

By Sihle Masuku, 20 January 2025

Tomorrow, the 21st of January, marks exactly two years since Eswatini’s human rights activist and freedom fighter, Thulani Rudolf Maseko, popularly known as TR, was assassinated at his home by unknown assailants. It was Chris Hani who said that when you are in a revolution, you are walking side by side with death.

To the extent that Thulani Maseko was involved in a revolutionary struggle aimed at transforming the political and economic patterns in the country, his assassination must be understood in the context of the oppressor’s well-documented approach of using the repressive state apparatus to protect its power.

It is no secret that in any revolution, the ruling elite always resort to desperate and deadly means to defend their power base whenever the revolution makes decisive inroads. Indeed, there is always a price to pay when one stands up against the interests of the powerful – whether it be prison, exile, assault, injury, or death. In TR's case, it was the latter.

Maseko stood against inhumanity, injustice, and everything in between. Signs of his activism became evident during his time at the University of Swaziland (now the University of Eswatini), where he fought for students’ rights, culminating in the famous hunger strike during his tenure as Vice President of the Students Representative Council. Alongside others, including then SRC President Silwayiphi Sithole, based at the Luyengo campus, and Secretary General Bongani Masuku, TR demonstrated that he would never compromise on principle, even in the face of death.

TR went on to lead a humble life running a human rights law firm that fought for the landless, the evicted, and the poor. While some of his learned colleagues opted for opulent lifestyles in air-conditioned, luxurious corporate law firms, he chose to dedicate his career to liberating his people. He did not use his profession as an excuse to abandon the noble cause; instead, he used it to advance the revolution. He paid heavily for this choice, including being arrested for simply writing an article. He was imprisoned between 2014 and 2015 and was declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International. Such was his commitment to the struggle for freedom. He later said, “We shall never surrender, for we know there is a price to pay for the truth.”

An interesting aspect of Maseko’s contribution to the revolution was his equal commitment to a peaceful resolution of Swaziland’s fundamental national question. He believed in dialogue. He loved his people and envisioned a nation sitting down to talk, bury the past, and unite in nation-building and development in a future democratic dispensation. Indisputably, he belonged to the courageous, noble, and thoughtful leaders of the Swazi people, such as President Mario Masuku, Jan Sithole, Vincent Ncongwane, and Dr. Gabriel Thandokuhle Mkhumane, to mention a few.

By the time of his untimely death, TR had accomplished so much for his people and continued to work tirelessly. Having witnessed the atrocities of June 2021, he quickly united civil society as Chair of the Multi-Stakeholder Forum (MSF), inspiring confidence in the nation and the world with his commitment to resolving Swaziland’s political crisis peacefully. Tragically, we lost a man who was both an activist and a statesman, a man who could not harm a fly, and one of the last bastions of integrity in the country’s mass democratic movement. Death can indeed be cruel, but what was even crueller was how he died – brutally killed in the presence of his wife and children at his home.

Ordinarily, given his immense contributions to humanity and his people, we would echo Nelson Mandela’s famous words: “When a man has done service to humanity, he can rest in peace.” But how can TR rest in peace when his meaningful life was cut short by the forces of evil and barbarism, whose grip on power is fuelled by the daily bloodshed of our people? How can Maseko rest in peace when the nation and peace-loving people around the world are still demanding answers about his cruel assassination? We ask: Can his soul resist the temptation to forgive his killers until the truth prevails and justice is served?

His wife, Tanele Maseko, must be commended for the incredible work she continues to do in the civil society space, courageously using the Thulani Maseko Foundation to further her husband’s cause. Their children, too, are growing, and we keep them in our thoughts and prayers always. It shall be well, boNgcamane, and we draw strength from your bravery. It was also heartwarming to see Mrs Maseko accepting the US Secretary of State’s Human Rights Defender Award in honour of Thulani Maseko last month in Washington. The greater reward – freedom in Swaziland – is on its way, and this shall happen in our lifetime.

In honour of Thulani Maseko and others who have lost their lives for the cause, we must amplify the calls for unity among all progressive forces. The unity of the mass democratic movement is sacrosanct, and the role of civil society is key. Of course, we speak of unity of purpose and action because we understand the need for principled, not opportunistic, unity.

However, we must never allow a situation where people become disillusioned to the extent of being pushed back towards the oppressor. Incontrovertibly, the ongoing search for a way out of the tinkhundla crisis is giving rise to more forces seeking change in favour of democracy. Some of these forces may not necessarily belong to the revolutionary or progressive camps, and there are differences in strategies and tactics even within the MDM.

Nevertheless, we must do everything within our power to widen the distance between these forces and the tinkhundla regime. Under no circumstances must we use clumsy tactics that push them back into the enemy laager. This, we must do in honour of Thulani Maseko.

08/01/2025

A very interesting history. Happy new year!!

(6 Aug 1982) RR8232 SWAZILAND: LAND DISPUTEBackground to Story: The South African government plans togive areas of the country designated as Black homelands ...

31/12/2024

THE BRIDGE PERSON OF THE YEAR IS...

In a political landscape where ministers often resemble mere figureheads, attending inconsequential ceremonies and lacking the ambition to steer government policy, it is rare to find a politician who truly embodies the essence of leadership. Eswatini's political system has frequently rendered ministers powerless, reducing them to glorified civil servants instead of agents of transformative change. Yet, in such an environment, the emergence of a political leader like Minister Savannah Maziya offers a much-needed breath of fresh air.

From the moment she assumed office as the Minister of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) last year, Minister Savannah Maziya has redefined what it means to serve. Drawing from her extensive private sector experience and leveraging her global networks, she has not only lived up to public expectations but exceeded them. Maziya stands as a testament to what visionary leadership can achieve, even within a system fraught with challenges. Come to think of it, one wouldn't expect a miracle from a Minister serving an undemocratic, repressive and backward regime without any intention to develop the people, but Savannah has tried her best given the limitations we all know. You can imagine what she can achieve in a people's government, given her work ethic and commitment to serve.

Through her flagship “Government in Your Hands” initiative, Minister Maziya has made a commitment to transforming service delivery by championing the use of cutting-edge IT and AI tools. Her efforts to modernize government processes are setting a new benchmark for efficiency and innovation. Her international outreach, including a recent visit to the United Arab Emirates, culminated in a pivotal Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that positions Eswatini on a global stage, fostering partnerships that promise tangible benefits for the nation.

Minister Maziya’s fearless leadership has been especially evident in her dealings with institutions like the Royal Science and Technology Park (RSTP) and Eswatini Post and Telecommunications (EPTC). Unafraid to confront mismanagement, she has demonstrated an uncompromising stance against corruption and inefficiency, boldly declaring that national resources must serve the people rather than those who abuse them. Who would have thought that a Swazi Minister can stand up against someone like the former CEO of the RSTP, Vumile Dlamini with all his royal blood and connections? Only Savannah Maziya, and boy, that woman cannot be bullied!

Her recent initiative to offer scholarships for 50 teachers to pursue ICT studies at Arizona State University through remote learning highlights her commitment to strengthening Eswatini’s education sector. By prioritizing digital literacy and equipping educators with critical ICT skills, she is ensuring that the future generation is ready to thrive in a technology-driven world.

In a country where the regulation of media has long been a contentious issue, Minister Maziya’s stance on self-regulation for the press sets her apart. She has openly championed the independence of the media while advocating for its financial sustainability, a rare and commendable move in modern governance. Her willingness to visit newsrooms and engage directly with journalists underscores her respect for the Fourth Estate as an essential pillar of society.

Minister Savannah Maziya epitomizes what Eswatini—and indeed the continent—needs in its leaders: courage, vision, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the people. Her ability to navigate the complexities of her role while driving meaningful change makes her a standout figure in the political arena.

As The Bridge editors and contributors convened to deliberate on this year’s Person of the Year, the decision was unanimous. Minister Maziya’s name rose to the top of the list, not merely as a nominee but as an undeniable force deserving of recognition.

As a publication committed to delivering insightful content, in-depth commentary, and detailed analysis, with a particular focus on public policy discourse, we were deeply impressed by Minister Maziya’s posture and comprehensive understanding of the task at hand.

Ladies and gentlemen, rise to your feet, hold your heads high, and join us in celebrating a leader who is redefining politics in Eswatini. It is with great pride that we announce The Bridge Person of the Year: Minister Savannah Maziya!

HAPPY NEW YEAR, DEAR READERS OF THE BRIDGE!!!