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03/01/2025

In the Beltway, where the diaspora hums with the rhythms of displacement and survival, you can find fine Ethiopian cuisine, injera flown overnight from Addis, and honey-sweet tej to delight your palate. You’ll encounter a good Ethiopian woman, one to call your wife or your mistress, books that stir the soul, chat that quickens the mind—and everything to transport you back to the old country. Everything, that is, except peace. For in this mosaic of nostalgia and belonging, the air is thick with politics—the most toxic of politics. I don’t think there’s a people on this damned earth who can make politics out of the mundane: the food, the drink, the chat.

At one gathering, an old woman at a grilling party told me she was eating injera made from teff grains grown in Tigray. I was too disappointed to hold back and told her, “You never know; the teff grains might be from Gojjam.” Another time, a young Tigrayan nationalist proclaimed that Gi’at—what Amharic speakers call Genfo—is authentically Tigrayan, and that the best of it could be found right here in D.C. I smiled politely, but my mind wandered to my grandfather’s stories, how the best Gi’at he ever had was made by his mother—a Galla woman.

Tigray, like Oromia, holds treasures of pureness—gold pulled from its soil. Yet even this gold, this unblemished promise, is mined and smuggled by warlords who sowed ethnonationalism in the hearts of the youth while taking the people hostage. Even here, where everything familiar should unite us, the flavors and stories come laced with the bitterness of division, the weight of what was stolen, and the scars of what was lost.

My maternal great-grandmother on my mother’s side, Zenebech Misrach, hailed from Tembien, Tigray. Another maternal great-grandmother, Mushra (Adeday) Shamie, came from the Galla of Raya. She spoke Galligna as her mother tongue and carried the pride of her heritage wherever she went. She married my great-grandfather, Qegnazmach Yimam Kassaye, a man from the highlands of Raya. When people asked Mushra where she was from, she would reply with quiet confidence, “Hawash Gamma”—“South of the Awash River” in Oromia. From their union sprang a lineage steeped in diverse traditions and rich stories. My mother gained an uncle from this heritage, a man who would later take up arms alongside the TPLF in the struggle against the Derg.

I remember my uncle, Halefom Abadi Worgegna, who passed away young when I was just a child. His final days were spent in the care of his sister—my mom—at our home, a faint yet tender memory. But my recollections of my grandfather, Molla Yimam—the man of men of Raya—are vivid. A decent man, a people’s man, upright and resolute, he wouldn’t let anyone cross his values. He carried himself with the kind of quiet dignity that commanded respect, embodying an integrity that feels increasingly rare. Yet, as principled as he was, he was also a man of his time.

My grandfather had more than five wives at once, at least three of them living in the same neighborhood: Mulu Hailu, Medanit Tsegaye, and Jano Gebreyesus. As a child, I would roam freely among their homes, visiting my uncles and aunties, unaware then of the complexity and weight of those relationships. It was fun!

My grandmother, Amlesu, on the other hand, was an enigma—a woman ahead of her time. She married two heroes, each revered in their communities, only to divorce them both and live the rest of her life on her own terms. It’s a puzzle that lingers in my mind, a testament to her strength and independence. If I have a feminist in my lineage, it must be through this remarkable woman, my grandmother, whom I struggled to understand growing up. She was the strongest woman I have ever known, and I was probably the most difficult of her grandchildren. She carved her own narrative amidst legends, her boldness shining through the weight of the history of Raya.

01/01/2025

My New Year Musings on Jawar Mohammed and His Book

On this New Year’s Day, rather than offering the customary wishes for peace and prosperity—wishes too often overshadowed by the hollow rhetoric of a ruling party that fails even to feign the ideals of a good liberal or socialist—I have chosen instead to review Jawar Mohammed’s new book, which has left many readers disappointed. That said, I want to underscore at the outset that Jawar is far more intelligent than commentators like Betty Tafesse—a statement that, ironically, might even come across as an insult.

In his debut book, Jawar Mohammed narrates his journey from his early life to his student activism, his internship year in Washington, D.C., graduate studies in New York, and his reluctant acceptance of the management role at OMN, the media outlet he helped establish. He details his subsequent return to Ethiopia following the regime change he claims sole credit for bringing about, and his eventual release from an Ethiopian prison. However, the most intriguing part of the book is his account of a request he made to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed: permission to establish a private media outfit in Ethiopia, complete with government funding and a formal governmental authority to support his endeavor. According to Jawar, Abiy instead offered him only a house, a car, and government security details, instructing Lemma Megersa and Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu to oversee the arrangements—provisions that fell far short of the governmental power Jawar sought. This stark contrast between his ambitions and the limited support he received appears to be a significant source of Jawar’s resentment. He even recounts Abiy encouraging him to pursue a business career instead, promising full support for that path, rather than allowing him to enter politics. In a chilling moment, Jawar also alleges that Abiy openly identified his two greatest adversaries: Jawar himself as an individual and the TPLF as a party, vowing to “liquidate” them both.

Jawar Mohammed’s political reentry has been long anticipated. Initially, his global tour following his release from jail seemed to signal his calculated return to the political arena. Hoping to witness this comeback firsthand, I attended his town hall meeting in Toronto, Canada. Yet, to my disappointment, his mission felt less like his own and more like the extension of the regime’s agenda.

This realization led me to revisit Betty Tafesse’s scathing critique on Sisay Agena’s Lu’alawi. Her interview, and her book, struck me as an uncanny reflection of what she accuses Jawar of doing to Eskinder Nega: (ማሜ ማሜ). Intrigued by her comments, I picked up Jawar’s book. Halfway through, it is clear that her diagnosis of his megalomania holds weight.

Jawar’s dynamics with Qeerroo and the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) lay bare this pattern. The OPDO, a master manipulator of political optics, which Jawar touts has learnt from their Tigrayan masters, projected Jawar as the figurehead of the Oromo youth movement while maintaining tight control behind the scenes. Upon returning to Ethiopia, Jawar seemingly overestimated his clout, declaring himself the leader of a parallel government. This misstep, paired with his diminishing utility to the OPDO and the perception that he was increasingly posing a danger, led to his entanglement in a high-profile murder case (of a former comrade’s ) and subsequent imprisonment.

The OPDO’s strategy in mobilizing Qeerroo exemplifies its duplicity. Far from being the organic, grassroots movement it appeared to be, Qeerroo was a carefully engineered mechanism to channel Oromo youth activism for the OPDO’s political ends. Through its structures, like the youth league and the 1-to-5 system, the OPDO orchestrated a façade of autonomous mobilization while maintaining absolute control. This manipulation allowed the party to both harness and obscure its influence, presenting Qeerroo as independent while it worked behind the scenes.

After his release under ambiguous circumstances, Jawar’s trajectory took a notable turn. His global tour appeared less about advancing his personal political ambitions and more about pacifying diaspora supporters on behalf of the regime. Eventually settling in Nairobi, he reinvented himself as a businessman—a move that recalls the original offer made by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and raises questions about the conditions of Jawar’s release from jail and the subsequent pro-peace global tour he embarked upon. Now, with the publication of his book—a blend of recycled propaganda, underwhelming undergraduate-level rhetoric, and self-promotion—Jawar has reemerged. Were the venerable Professor Mesfin Woldemariam still alive, one can imagine him repeating what he once quipped about Berhanu Nega’s book after Qaliti: “A book Berhanu wrote about Berhanu.”

But the timing is curious. Why now, two years after the war in Tigray ended? Is this an effort to reposition himself, to reclaim relevance in the shifting dynamics of Ethiopian politics? What alliances does he envision, and how does he plan to navigate the deep divides he once exacerbated?

In his interview with Addis Standard’s Tsedale Lemma, Jawar likens the assassination of Hachalu Hundessa to that of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, suggesting that Hachalu’s death marked a similarly transformative moment in Ethiopian history. However, this analogy is both overstated and misleading. While Franz Ferdinand’s murder directly triggered World War I, Hachalu’s assassination, though undeniably tragic and significant, did not lead to war in Ethiopia. The conflict, instead, was the result of political machinations: Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s contentious merger of the EPRDF, the TPLF’s rejection of this move, and their opposition to the postponed elections. Hachalu’s death, in contrast, heightened tensions and led primarily to Jawar’s own imprisonment.

This strained comparison underscores Jawar’s penchant for inflating personal and symbolic connections, often at the expense of accuracy. Adding to the dissonance is the title of Jawar’s book, No Regrets (or I Do Not Regret), which evokes Camus’s The Stranger and its morally detached protagonist, Meursault. In doing so, it blurs the lines between guilt and innocence, trivializing moral responsibility in a way that raises serious ethical concerns.

What has always troubled me most about Jawar, however, is his nihilism—a trait that no amount of Ivy League training in political science or human rights can mask. This fundamental character flaw undermines his activism, leaving his political narrative riddled with contradictions and rendering it nearly impossible to reconcile his purported ideals with his actions and rhetoric.

Betty Tafesse’s critiques, though sharp and politically motivated, hold a mirror to Jawar’s flaws. Her alignment with the Oromo wing of the Prosperity Party is evident, but her insights offer genuine value if Jawar can engage with them constructively. By tempering his ambitions with a realistic assessment of his political standing, Jawar could evolve from a polarizing figure into a stabilizing force in Ethiopian politics. The question remains: is he willing to recalibrate his vision, or will he remain a prisoner of his own myth? If he chooses the former, Jawar has the potential to play a pivotal role in depolarizing Ethiopian politics and fostering the unity that the nation desperately needs. However, to achieve this, he must first embrace accountability for his moral failings and, most importantly, confront and transcend his nihilism.

30/08/2024

Andreas Eshete, Ethiopian Philosopher, University Leader, and Patriot, Dies at 79

Alemayehu Weldemariam, Bloomington, Indiana

Andreas Eshete, a towering figure in Ethiopian intellectual and academic life whose scholarly influence shaped generations of students and whose leadership as president of Addis Ababa University steered the institution through a period of political turbulence, died on August 29, 2024. He was 79.

Professor Eshete’s passing marks the end of an era in Ethiopian higher education, where he was revered not only for his academic rigor but also for his unwavering commitment to the principles of equality, solidarity, and fraternity. His life was a testament to the power of intellectual pursuit, public service, and the relentless defense of unity in diversity.

Born in Addis Ababa on March 2, 1945, Eshete's intellectual journey led him from Ethiopia to the United States, where he earned his undergraduate degree at Williams College before pursuing a doctorate in philosophy at Yale University (1970). Eshete, a political philosopher, taught at a number of universities in the United States, including Brown, UCLA, UC Berkeley, and the University of Pennsylvania. He returned to Ethiopia with a profound sense of duty to contribute to the intellectual and civic fabric of his homeland. At Addis Ababa University, he held the inaugural UNESCO Chair for Human Rights, Peace, and Democracy, a position that underscored his commitment to global human rights.

As president of Addis Ababa University from 2003 to 2011, Professor Eshete was a guiding force during a transformative era. He played a crucial role in advancing the university’s research capabilities, expanding graduate programs, and fostering international collaborations that raised the institution's global standing. His tenure was marked by an unwavering commitment to academic freedom and the pursuit of excellence, even as the nation navigated political challenges. His decision to step down from the presidency, articulated in an open letter to the Ethiopian prime minister, reflected his deep belief in the importance of leadership renewal and the avoidance of overstay in public office—a principle he held dear. After resigning from the university, he became Special Advisor to the Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.

Eshete's influence extended far beyond the university walls. He was a key figure in Ethiopia's constitution-making process in the early 1990s, serving as a consultant and coordinator under the auspices of the Inter Africa Group, and seconded by the Carter Center. His convening of a symposium on the Ethiopian Constitution in 1993 brought together leading thinkers from around the world, reflecting his belief in the necessity of robust intellectual engagement in the nation’s most critical decisions.

A prominent participant in the Ethiopian Student Movement of the 1960s, Eshete was known for his sharp polemics, wit, and influential debates, which helped shape the ideological trajectory of the movement. His role as an observer at the 1991 London Peace Conference and his subsequent involvement as consultant in the drafting of Ethiopia’s constitution demonstrated his enduring commitment to the political life of his country.

Eshete’s legacy is not confined to his scholarly achievements; he was also a steadfast advocate for the unity of Ethiopia’s diverse peoples, fully aware of the challenges posed by the country’s political structures. His integrity and principled stances were evident during his testimony on the postponement of the 2020 national elections due to COVID-19. Citing the work of Amartya Sen, he argued for holding the elections as scheduled, a position that, in hindsight, could have averted the devastating conflict that followed.

His impact is felt in the countless students he mentored, the institutions he shaped, and the ideas he championed. Ethiopia has lost not just a scholar but a patriot whose life was dedicated to the pursuit of knowledge and the betterment of society.

The news of his death reached me as I prepared for my first political philosophy class of the academic year at Indiana University in Bloomington, where I am a PhD student in Constitutional Law and Design with a minor in political philosophy. The moment was poignant, as I reflected on the profound influence he had on my life and the lives of so many others.

I was fortunate to be one of his students during his year-long course on political and legal philosophy at Addis Ababa University’s Faculty of Law. The rigor of his syllabus, which spanned from Plato to Rawls, profoundly shaped my intellectual journey. His dynamic teaching style, including our discussions on a concrete bench outside the law faculty building as he smoked his Lucky Strikes, left an indelible mark on me and my peers. I also had the good fortune of having him as my LLB thesis advisor in my senior year, long after he was relieved of his teaching duties and became university president.

After graduation, I served as an assistant to his legal advisor, deepening my appreciation for his intellect and commitment to justice. Though I left Ethiopia more than a decade ago, I have fond memories of our interactions in Addis Ababa and Adwa, and of attending his farewell party at the Armed Forces Golf Club in Addis Ababa upon his resignation as university president.

His lectures were masterclasses in the history of political and legal thought, delivered with a passion that resonated deeply with his students. His legacy will endure in the ideas he championed and the lives he touched.

Professor Eshete is survived by his son, Alula Eshete, and his former partner, Emuye Asfaw.

26/06/2024

While modern constitutional history of Ethiopia officially begins with the promulgation of the Imperial Constitution in 1931, the Kibre Negest undoubtedly served as a constitution for about 700 years since its final redaction in 1320 by Nebure Id Yishaq of Aksum. The Kibre Negest held significant influence. This "national script," which Donald Levine rightly compares to the Aeneid, is part of the uniquely "Tigrean Legacy."

Extolling its Tigrean legacy and “constitutive symbolism,” Levine writes, “If the principal beneficiaries of this covenant were the kings of Amhara, the fact remains that those who drafted its terms were Tigreans. If the story of the Kibre Negest has long dominated the fastnesses of Christian Ethiopia, it must also be noted that only in the northern part of Tigrinya-speaking territory does one find a cluster of places celebrated in local lore for having been associated with the legend of Makeda and Solomon.”

Upon learning about the loot at Maqdala by the British, Emperor Yohannes IV sent a letter to Lord Granville, the British Foreign Secretary, requesting the return of the Kibre Negest. This came after the British defeated Ethiopian forces in 1868, leading to the su***de of Emperor Tewodros II. During this conflict, the British took two copies of the Kibre Negest from the royal palace to Britain. Upon learning about the missing copies, Emperor Yohannes wrote: “There is a book called ‘Kivera Negust’ which contains the Law of the whole of Ethiopia, and the names of the Shums, and Churches, and Provinces are in this book. I pray you find out who has got this book, and send it to me, for in my country my people will not obey my orders without it” (Budge 2004, xxvii). Consequently, one of the two books was returned to Ethiopia in 1872.

26/06/2024

“On 10 Aug., 1872, Prince Kasa, who was subsequently crowned as King John IV, wrote to Earl Granville thus: "And now again I have another thing to explain to you: that there was a Picture called Qurata Rezoo, which is a Picture of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and was found with many books at Magdala by the English.

This Picture King Theodore took from Gondar to Magdala, and it is now in England; all round the Picture is gold, and the midst of it coloured.
"Again there is a book called Kivera Negust (i.e. Kēbra Nagast), which contains the Law of the whole of Ethiopia, and the names of the Shums (i.e. Chiefs), Churches, and Provinces are in this book. I pray you will find out who has got this book, and send it to me, for in my Country my people will not obey my orders without it."

When a copy of this letter was sent to the British Museum the Trustees decided to grant King John's request, and the manuscript was restored to him on 14 December, 1872. King John's letter proves that very great importance was attached to the Kebra Nagast by the Ethiopian peoples, even in the second half of the nineteenth century. M. Hugues Le Roux, a French envoy from the President of the French Republic to Menyelek Il, King of Ethiopia, went to Addis Alem where the king was staying, in order to see this manuscript and to obtain his permission to translate it into French. Having made his request to Menyelek II personally the king made a reply, which M. Le Roux translates thus: "Je suis d'avis qu'un peuple ne se défend pas seulement avec ses armes, mais avec ses livres. Celui dont vous parlez est la fierté de ce Royaume. Depuis moi, l'Empereur, jusqu'au plus pauvre soldat qui marche dans les chemins, tous les Ethiopiens seront heureux que ce livre soit traduit dans la langue française et porté à la connaissance des amis que nous avons dans le monde. Ainsi l'on verra clairement quels liens nous unissent avec le peuple de Dieu, quels trésors ont été confiés à notre garde. On comprendra mieux pourquoi le secours de Dieu ne nous a jamais manqué contre les ennemis qui nous attaquaient." The king then gave orders that the manuscript was to be fetched from Addis Abeba, where the monks tried to keep it on the pretext of copying the text, and in less than a week it was placed in the hands of M. Le Roux, who could hardly believe his eyes.

Having described the manuscript and noted on the last folio the words, "This volume was returned to the King of Ethiopia by order of the Trustees of the British Museum, Dec. 14th, 1872. J. Winter Jones, Principal Librarian." M. Le Roux says: "Il n'y avait plus de doute possible: le livre que je tenais dans mes mains était bien cette version de l'histoire de la Reine de Saba et de Salomon, que Négus et Prêtres d'Éthiopie considèrent comme le plus authentique de toutes celles qui circulent dans les bibliothèques européennes et dans les monastètes abyssins.

C'était le livre que Théodoros avait caché sous son oreiller, la nuit où il se suicida, celui que les soldats anglais avaient emporté à Londres, qu'un ambassadeur rendit à l'Empereur Jean, que ce même Jean feuilleta dans sa tente, le matin du jour où il tomba sous les cimeterres des Mahdistes, celui que les moines avaient dérobé."With the help of a friend M. Le Roux translated several of the Chapters of the Kebra Nagast, and in due course published his translation.”

Sir E. A. Wallis Budge, transl., Kibra Nagast
—————————————
English translation of the French text in the above excerpt:

"I am of the opinion that a people defends itself not only with its weapons but with its books. The one you speak of is the pride of this Kingdom. From me, the Emperor, to the poorest soldier walking the roads, all Ethiopians will be glad that this book is translated into French and brought to the attention of our friends around the world. Thus, we will clearly see the links that unite us with the people of God and the treasures entrusted to our care. We will better understand why God's help has never failed us against our enemies.

There is no longer any possible doubt: the book I held in my hands is indeed the version of the story of the Queen of Sheba and Solomon, which the Negus and Priests of Ethiopia consider the most authentic among all those circulating in European libraries and Abyssinian monasteries. It was the book that Theodoros hid under his pillow the night he committed su***de, the one the English soldiers took to London, which an ambassador returned to Emperor John, and that the same John leafed through in his tent the morning he fell under the scimitars of the Mahdists. It is the book the monks had stolen."

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