Holmes & Co.

Holmes & Co. Commentary from independent journalist Rick Holmes Rick Holmes writes editorials and columns for the MetroWest Daily News o and GateHouse Media.

07/28/2024

Every presidential campaign comes with a media story, showing the ever-changing ways candidates reach and mobilize voters. In the nineteenth century, it was about oratory and torchlight parades. In the 20th century it was about TV commercials and newspaper endorsements. Recent decades have seen the rise of direct mail, micro-targeted email and Twitter.

This has been shaping up as the year of TikTok, a medium that lets users take over campaign messaging. TikTok is powerful because its “influencers,” who range from inspired middle schoolers to slick hucksters, reach young voters who don’t respond to traditional media. When the memes and themes they generate go viral, as we’ve seen in the early days of the Kamala Harris campaign, voters notice. Then again, 2024 may yet prove to be the year of disinformation, if AI-generated “deep fakes” infect the political bloodstream.

But the defining medium of the 2024 campaign could turn out to be the Zoom call. Within hours of Joe Biden dropping out of the race and endorsing Harris, more than 40,000 people joined a Zoom call organized by a group supporting Black women. More than 160,000 joined a Zoom call Thursday aimed at building support among white women. A call for Black men drew 50,000 and one for Asian women drew more than 9,000. A group called “White Dudes for Harris” expects 10,000 for a call on Monday.

These calls have raised millions of dollars for the Harris campaign, but that’s just the beginning. People on these calls not only hear the campaign’s message, they offer feedback to those running the campaign. They learn about strategies for getting the word out, for reaching undecided or unengaged voters. They connect with each other, and leave the meeting ready to get to work. This campaign medium isn’t mostly about advertising; it’s about organizing and volunteering. And it’s not just about the top of the ticket: This kind of organizing helps Democrats all the way down the ballot. The Zoom call may be new technology, but the actions it inspires are as old as democracy itself: knocking on doors, talking to your fellow citizens, getting out the vote.

Now you may be thinking, “How can I get in on this action? How can I help Harris and other Democrats win in November? How can reach out from my safely blue state to make a difference in the purple and red states where this election will be decided?”

So consider this your invitation. On Aug. 6, MetroWest Blue & Beyond will be hosting a Zoom call designed to put you on the front lines in North Carolina, a battleground state critical to Democrats’ chances.

Those who join the call will hear from organizers on the ground who are registering and engaging voters, strategically targeting areas like Mecklenburg County, where the potential to grow Democratic votes is greatest. They know their neighbors and their communities, making them the most effective campaign messengers. Their target: knocking on four million doors before November. At MWB&B’s last North Carolina Zoom call, we also heard from Gov. Roy Cooper, who made the short list of vice-presidential candidates. On the Aug. 6 call, we’ll hear from NC Attorney General Josh Stein, who is running for governor against an especially toxic MAGA Republican, Mark Robinson.

For more on the North Carolina campaign and to support the grassroots organizing going on there, visit https://swingbluealliance.org/northcarolina/.

The organizations MetroWest Blue & Beyond supports are strengthening grassroots democracy for the long run, not just in North Carolina but in two other swing states, Pennsylvania and Arizona. MWB&B is an all-volunteer organization that handles no money. Secure donations are handled through Act Blue, and you don’t have to donate to join in – there are also plenty of opportunities to give time and energy to this vital cause.

So heed the call and join me at 7:30 p.m. on Tuesday, Aug. 6. To register for the event, visit https://www.mwblueandbeyond.com/august-2024-event. See you there!

05/27/2024

Arizona is one of a handful of states where America’s future is on the line. So what’s the current state of play?

First, the good news. While Republicans have ruled Arizona for generations, Democrats have been on a winning streak, voting for Joe Biden in 2020 and electing Democrats for governor and U.S. Senate in 2022. Democrats have been building their base from the ground up, and are more competitive statewide than anytime in memory. Meanwhile, the Arizona GOP is a mess, divided between McCain regulars and some of the craziest MAGAs anywhere. Their candidate for Kirsten Sinema’s open Senate seat, election denier Kari Lake, is trailing the Democratic nominee, Rep. Ruben Gallegos in the polls.

Now the bad news. Five months from the election, President Biden trails Donald Trump in Arizona by as much as six points in recent polls.

Don’t ask me to explain this. I consider Biden the most experienced and effective president I’ve seen in more than a half-century of watching national politics. Almost every day his administration takes steps to make America a better place. I could talk myself blue listing the reasons why Biden is better than Trump and why the Democrats are better than Republicans. But I live in Blue New England, and I don’t talk to the people in Arizona who need to get the message.

So I’m supporting people who do live in Arizona, and who are taking that message to the people most difficult to reach. The Arizona Democratic Party has been focused on building engagement in communities – especially Latino, Indigenous and Black – too often neglected in years past. This kind of grassroots activism helped make the difference in the last two elections, and it can put Democrats over the top again in November.

Arizona is one of three battleground states (North Carolina and Pennsylvania are the others) targeted by my friends at MetroWest Blue & Beyond. In each state, they have identified grassroots organizations with a plan and a track record for turning activism into votes. An all-volunteer effort, MetroWest Blue & Beyond doesn’t handle money; it simply connects people in non-battleground states with opportunities to donate and volunteer on the front lines.

If you’d like to learn more, visit MetroWest Blue & Beyond (https://www.mwblueandbeyond.com/event-2024-06-04) and reserve a spot at its next event, a zoom discussion with Arizona Democratic Party organizers. Participants will also hear from my favorite Congress member, Rep. Jim McGovern.

We can make a difference, even in states far from home. Don’t agonize, Democrats – organize.

If you’re looking for a place to defend democracy, consider Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania is as purple as they come, voting...
04/14/2024

If you’re looking for a place to defend democracy, consider Pennsylvania.

Pennsylvania is as purple as they come, voting for Trump in 2016 and Biden in 2020. Sen. Bob Casey, up for re-election this year, is among the Senate’s most endangered Democrats. Its House delegation includes progressive stars, endangered moderate Democrats, vulnerable Republicans and wild-eyed insurrectionists. Its state legislature is split right down the middle.

The elections will surely be close again this year in Pennsylvania, with control of the House, Senate and White House on the line. The stakes couldn’t be higher – even for those of us who live far from the Keystone state.

So how can we turn Pennsylvania Blue? Rather than pour money into billion-dollar advertising budgets, my friends at MetroWest Blue & Beyond are connecting donors and volunteers to grassroots organizations that are building democracy from the ground up. Pennsylvania is one of three swing states – North Carolina and Arizona are the others ¬– where MWB&B is trying to make a difference.

In Pennsylvania, MWB&B is working with two groups:

- Turn PA Blue has 6,000 volunteers on the ground in Pennsylvania, engaged in “deep canvassing,” door-to-door voter outreach. It helps connect grassroots organizations, Democratic Party committees, and out-of-state groups, and helped the Biden-Harris ticket come out on top in 2020 – by just over 80,000 votes.
- The New PA Project is building democracy by expanding the electorate. Its volunteers engage with young voters, and those living in marginalized and underrepresented communities. It registers new voters and keeps them engaged in every election. As the folks at MWB&B like to say, elections are short, democracy is long.

Visit www.mwblueandbeyond.com to help these worthy groups turn activism into votes. MWB&B doesn’t handle any money; secure ActBlue accounts make it easy to help.

You’re also invited to a zoom meeting with MWB&B and the people on the front lines in Pennsylvania Thursday, April 25, from 7:30 to 9 p.m. Leaders from Turn PA Blue and the New PA Project will answer questions. You’ll also hear from Rep. Katherine Clark, D-Mass., the House Minority Whip.

Don’t let living in a reliably Blue state keep you from joining the fight, in Pennsylvania and beyond!

MetroWest Blue & Beyond (MWBB) is an all-volunteer fundraising group that focuses exclusively on helping Democrats and progressives rebuild political power in swing states, where GOP-elected officials are aggressively and systematically suppressing voter rights and election integrity, with particula...

02/23/2024

So here we are again. Another most important election of our lifetimes is at hand, and again, I’ve got the blue state blues. There’s a battle to be won and I’m on the sidelines.

I have my vote, but there’s no doubt about which candidate will win my state’s electors. The votes that count are in the swing states, and I don’t live there. I don’t know anybody in those places, or at least not anybody who didn’t long ago take a position on Biden vs. Trump.

The fact that most everybody has made up their minds just doubles my frustration. Pollsters say the tiny number of voters who are undecided and unlikely to vote are the least informed. They don’t follow politics; don’t read the news; couldn’t name their congress member or senator; they have only the vaguest understanding of the records of Donald Trump and Joe Biden. These people aren’t stupid, just disengaged. Often their cynicism comes from being marginalized by the political class: they are disproportionally Black, Latin or young, and voting seems disconnected from their lives.

Here's how this disengagement plays out at ground level in a battleground state. In North Carolina, 88 percent of eligible white voters are registered, compared to 71 percent of BIPOC voters. In Mecklenburg County, the area around Charlotte, that adds up to 80,000 unregistered people of color and young people. Trump beat Biden in 2020 by about 75,000 voters in North Carolina. Getting just 40,000 voters registered and mobilized in Mecklenburg County would be a huge step toward turning North Carolina blue.

I’d like to help make that happen, but it’s not just that I don’t live near these important unengaged voters; I don’t even speak their language. So I’m supporting people who do: their politically engaged neighbors, who already volunteer their time to support Democrats up and down the ticket. I’m supporting organizations who’ll pay these volunteers to knock on doors from now till Election Day, building the engagement that makes for stronger communities and more responsive government.

Two such organizations have set a goal of getting 40,000 new voters registered in Mecklenburg County. The A. Philip Randolph Institute has run the most effective voter registration campaigns in North Carolina. Last year, this Black-led organization registered 6,000 voters in Mecklenburg County. A second group, Action for Climate Emergency, is focusing its largest field canvassing efforts on registering young and diverse voters in the county. The groups estimate the effort will cost $500,000, three-quarters of which has already been raised.

I learned about these organizations through MetroWest Blue & Beyond, a loose group of volunteers and donors committed to making a difference in the swing states of North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Arizona. In each state, they have identified organizations that work year-round to grow democracy from the grass roots, whose efforts help elect Democrats to local, state and national offices. MetroWest Blue & Beyond collects no money; it connects volunteers and would-be donors to well-vetted organizations. It also sets up meetings, through zoom, so that would-be donors can hear directly from each organization’s leaders, and from Democrats on the front lines of campaigns well underway.

The first of these meetings will feature the two organizations leading the effort in Mecklenburg County, North Carolina. It will be held Wednesday, March 6, and will feature as guest speaker the always inspirational Deval Patrick, the former Mass. governor who is another Blue State Democrat trying to make a difference.

With so much on the line this November, people should give as much as they can to any campaign they like. But I’d rather see my limited contributions spent on organizing than on advertising, and the MWB&B fits that bill. For more information about MetroWest Blue & Beyond, and to register for the March 6 event, visit www.mwblueandbeyond.com.

01/16/2024

By Rick Holmes
Jan. 16, 2024

A persistent question has found its way into the discourse over the last few years: Is the United States a republic or a democracy?

The question typically comes in the context of an argument over voting rights, gerrymandering or overturning the 2020 election. Liberal complaints about assaults on democracy are greeted by some rightwing wiseguy with “the U.S. isn’t a democracy, you know, it’s a republic.” The simplest response to this diversion is that the U.S. is both: a constitutional republic and a democracy, in which power resides in the people. In that light, the either/or argument seems irrelevant as well as tedious.

But now comes an issue that makes the distinction between democracy and republic both very real and absolutely relevant. Should Donald Trump be barred from the presidential ballot under the 14th amendment’s insurrection clause, or should the people be allowed to vote for the candidate of their choice?

In deciding what to do about Trump, should we prioritize the (small-r) republican value of the rule of law? The Constitution explicitly states those who have engaged in an insurrection in violation of their oath of office cannot be a candidate for federal office, and in a republic, the constitution reigns supreme.

Or should we prioritize the (small-d) democratic value and let the people decide? Keeping opposite candidates off the ballot is a tactic of authoritarian regimes like Russia and Iran, which often cloak their decisions in legal language. Here, the authority to choose leaders resides in the electorate, or it has until now.

I like Lincoln’s definition of democracy: a government “of the people, by the people and for the people.” Democracy is not either/or. It’s a continuum defined by how close an institution or action is to the people. A referendum in which voters make specific policy decisions is more democratic than electing representatives to make policy decisions. The House, where each member represents roughly the same number of constituents, is more democratic than the Senate, which is structured to tilt power toward smaller states with fewer voters.

The Supreme Court, which is neither elected nor accountable to voters – and is explicitly bound by the law, not public opinion – is the least democratic of the branches.

Yet it’s the Supreme Court that is poised to rule on whether Trump is disqualified from serving again as president. If the Court keeps Trump off the ballot, you can call it constitutional. You can call it accountability under the rule of law. You can call it justice. But you can’t call it democratic.

There is a more democratic alternative, clearly specified in the 14th amendment, that empowers Congress, by a two-thirds vote, to grant amnesty from the insurrection restriction. The fact that Congressional leaders of both parties are ignoring this option is one sign that this issue is a partisan exercise, not a contest of principles.

That’s why we must consider the political consequences of keeping Trump off the ballot, not just the legal case against him.

If the Supreme Court disqualifies Trump, it would pour gasoline on our politics at an especially combustible moment. Team Trump would denounce the weaponization of the 14th Amendment and retaliate in kind. Already Republican secretaries of state are threatening to bar Joe Biden from the ballot. I wouldn’t be surprised if some pushed for the amendment’s repeal.

Trump and his supporters would be enraged. There would be violence, at levels we haven’t seen since the heyday of the Ku Klux Klan. Voters, who don’t tend to be Constitutional purists, would resent the court’s interference and buy into Trump’s victim narrative. A defiant Trump might keep campaigning, winning GOP primaries wherever officials leave him on the ballot, right up to what could be a crazy convention. If he’s forced to withdraw, other Republican candidates would compete to lead the radical Trumpists, attacking the courts and promising pardons for all insurrectionists. Riding a wave of resentment of the court’s power grab, the Republican nominee would be a heavy favorite in November.

It might be better for everyone if the Supreme Court finds a way to sidestep the question, allowing Trump on the ballot while preserving the 14th Amendment’s insurrection clause. A unanimous decision might go down easier, but the Supreme Court’s credibility, already hanging by a thread, will take a hit however the justices rule. Popular support for the Constitution and the law will suffer as well.

In other words, be careful what you wish for. I detest Trump. I lay awake nights worrying about what a second Trump term might bring. But I have a bad feeling about this 14th Amendment challenge. I fear it will leave America both a weaker republic and a more fragile democracy.

In light of Jimmy Carter's return to Plains under hospice care, here's a column I wrote about him after a visit to his l...
02/27/2023

In light of Jimmy Carter's return to Plains under hospice care, here's a column I wrote about him after a visit to his library in Atlanta in 2018:

Jimmy Carter, Southern man

Atlanta - In 1970, Canadian Neil Young told “Southern Man” to “keep your head, don’t forget what your Good Book said,” and some Southern men took offense. Jacksonville rockers Lynyrd Skynyrd responded, in “Sweet Home Alabama,” that “I hope Neil Young will remember a southern man don’t need him around.”

Both songs became hits that are still played decades later. At the time, they exposed a fissure between northern longhairs and southern longhairs. Northerners often assumed that all Southerners were white and all white Southerners were racists. Southerners resented being stereotyped by jerks who knew nothing about them. Faced with injustice in their backyard, they raised the Confederate flag and turned their anger toward northern elites, and not for the first time.

They set off an argument over northern condescension and southern defensiveness that has never really ended.

But amid all the caricatures, some important Southern men were all but erased. They were white men, born into a Jim Crow world, who knew it was wrong and tried to make it better.

Jimmy Carter is one of those Southern men. He grew up on a peanut farm in tiny Plains, Ga., where his best friends were the African-American children of tenant farmers on his father’s land. It bothered him, he says, that his black playmates couldn’t go to his school.

Carter’s father, a pillar of his church and community, was a strict segregationist. But his mother, a nurse, served patients of all races. “Miss Lillian” Carter was broad-minded and idealistic – she joined the Peace Corps at age 68 – and passed those traits on to her oldest son.

When his father died, Carter quit a promising Navy career to return to Plains, where he said he could do the most good. He grew the family peanut business and got involved in local politics just as the Civil Rights movement was polarizing small towns and cities alike. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council, prompting the segregationists to boycott his peanut business. He got elected chairman of the Sumter County School Board, where he advocated for school integration.

After two terms in the Georgia Senate, Carter ran for governor against Lester Maddox, a segregationist who gained national notoriety for chasing black would-be customers out of his restaurant with an ax handle. Carter lost, but he ran again four years later and won. His first act as governor was to declare that “the time for racial discrimination is over.”

Southern man Jimmy Carter flipped Georgia from a white supremacist state to one where every citizen was equal. He had help from other Georgians, including famous ones - Andrew Young, Atlanta’s first black mayor, Rep. John Lewis, and Martin Luther King – and ones whose acts of principle went mostly unnoticed.

Similar transitions played out in those years in every county courthouse and state capital in the South. Jim Crow was buried, a better South was born, and it was Southern men – black and white – who did most of the heavy lifting.

Carter’s presidency is mostly forgotten now. He won the White House in 1976 as a reaction to Richard Nixon and lost four years later to Ronald Reagan. In office, he was blamed for everything that went wrong and given no credit for things that went right. He was ridiculed on late-night TV and used as a punching bag by his political opponents. That’s what we do to our presidents.

But Carter’s post-presidency, a record 35 years and counting, has been something else. Through the Carter Center, he and Rosalynn have roamed the world, mediating disputes, encouraging democracy and observing elections from Timbuktu to Kathmandu. They’ve been leaders in efforts to remove the stigma from mental illness and to eradicate awful diseases – guinea worm and river blindness – that bring misery to the poorest of the poor in Africa and Central America. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 not for being the U.S. president, but for his work since then as a global citizen.

At 93, Jimmy Carter still teaches Sunday school in Plains. He still writes a book a year, his main source of income because, unlike other ex-presidents, he takes no money for making speeches or serving on boards. He still pounds nails, building houses for needy families through Habitat for Humanity. And he’s now free of the cancer that, two years ago, had spread to his liver and brain.

Carter’s presidential library here in Atlanta is a low-profile building nestled in a wooded landscape, reflecting the humility of the man it honors. There’s no statue of the former president inside, just the story of a Southern man who never forgot what the Good Book says, and is still making the world a better place.

https://www.rickholmes.net/jimmy-carter-southern-man

The brutal murder of Tyre Nichols is a reminder of how dangerous, oppressive and traumatic traffic stops can be. America...
01/28/2023

The brutal murder of Tyre Nichols is a reminder of how dangerous, oppressive and traumatic traffic stops can be. America needs a serious discussion about taking most traffic enforcement out of the hands of local police.

I wrote about it back in 2020:

Nobody likes getting pulled over for speeding. Even the innocent can’t help but feel guilty when the blue lights are flashing and defensive when the officer approaches. But for Black people, a minor car stop can be deadly. Just ask Sandra Bland or Philando Castile.

01/11/2023

I swore off political predictions in 2016, when Donald Trump won the presidency. So in the days, months and years that followed, what I kept telling myself was more a wish than a prediction: That inevitably Trump would go down in flames, and he would take the modern Republican Party with him.

In the years since, I’ve seen that the crisis facing America didn’t start with Trump and won’t end with his fall, and that the Republican Party was hostage to America’s dark forces, not their master. It’s taking a lot longer than I had hoped, but from six years’ distance, it looks like my wish is coming true.

Trump has been losing ground since the day he was inaugurated. He and his top allies lost in 2018, 2020 and 2022. Trump faces a raft of legal, financial and political problems in the months ahead, and he’s likely to keep losing. He remains depressingly popular, but his support among those not part of his cult shrinks by the day. At this point, he’s too weak to win a general election but still strong enough to wreck the Republican Party.

In Washington, the Republicans are weak, divided and self-destructive, as is now being demonstrated daily in the House of Representatives.

Kevin McCarthy, elected House Speaker on his 15th try, starts out as the weakest speaker in memory, held hostage by a tiny clique of extremists in his conference. With each ballot, McCarthy weakened his office further, agreeing to let any member call for a vote on a new speaker at any time. New rules will make it harder for the speaker to construct consensus legislation and easier for committees to hijack the speaker’s priorities. It will also be easier to force floor votes on amendments, which, in a House so evenly divided, means a lot of dramatic roll calls.

Little noted in the commentary on the House drama is that the corollary of a weakened speaker is a strengthened minority leader. The new rules empower Democrats as well as the GOP’s Freedom Caucus, and we can count on Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and his team to take full advantage of McCarthy’s weaknesses.

House Democrats go into the legislative battlefield with several advantages. They are united and disciplined, as demonstrated by their repeated, unanimous, support of Jeffries for speaker. Their leaders, mentored and installed by Nancy Pelosi, know how to build coalitions and count votes. Their rank-and-file members are more experienced than their Republican counterparts, having served in state legislatures and government. When it comes to legislative minutia, procedural maneuvering and whipping votes, the House Democrats will run rings around McCarthy’s fractious majority.

House Democrats also have powerful allies in the Senate and the White House who have shown in the last two years they know how to steer legislation through a gridlocked Congress.

House Democrats can’t keep McCarthy and the MAGA caucus from grandstanding, which is what they do best and what they care most about. House Republicans will provide a constant stream of radical ideas and embarrassing stunts, much of it ammunition for Democrats’ use in the next election. But Democrats will be able to gum up the works at will and stop the GOP’s bad ideas from sneaking into law. They should be able to protect Biden administration initiatives, and may be able to slip some substantive policies into legislation passing through the House.

Nobody is expecting great things from this divided Congress. While Biden spends the next two years to implementing the sweeping laws passed by the last Congress, House Democrats like Rep. Jim McGovern, top Democrat on the Rules Committee, will be on the front lines in Congress will fending off Republican assaults. McGovern, a wily veteran of House combat, won’t rule out working with either McCarthy, moderate Republicans or the MAGA caucus on certain issues, he said this week, but “we’re not going to be a cheap date.”

I wouldn’t dare predict whether Democrats will succeed in protecting entitlements and avoiding government shutdowns, debt ceiling crises, or other landmines in Congress’ path, but I wouldn’t bet against them.

Blues and Roots 2: ArkansasLooking for the Blues and my family history, I cross the Mississippi River into Arkansas near...
12/05/2022

Blues and Roots 2: Arkansas

Looking for the Blues and my family history, I cross the Mississippi River into Arkansas near Helena.

The Mississippi Delta isn’t a delta in the dictionary sense. It’s not where the Mississippi River meets the Gulf of Mexico, though it shares some geological similarities. It’s bottomland, flat as a pancake, made fertile first by thousands of years of river flooding, then by the interventions of agribusiness and the Army Corps of Engineers. One definition locates the Delta between the Mississippi and the Yazoo rivers, which meet in Vicksburg. It’s said the Delta starts on Vicksburg’s Catfish Row and ends in the lobby of Memphis’ magnificent Peabody Hotel.

But those definitions unfairly exclude the Arkansas side of the Mississippi. The broad floodplain on the Arkansas side is just as flat as on the Mississippi side, its cotton fields stretching to the horizon – “white for the harvest” this time of year, as my Aunt Mame would say. As on the Mississippi side, Arkansas Delta people are mostly black, mostly poor, scarred by slavery and racism. The Arkansas side is also rich in musical heritage, giving us the likes of Johnny Cash and Al Green, Conway Twitty, Levon Helm and Sister Rosetta Tharpe. It’s also the home of the King Biscuit Blues Festival, which is what brings me to Helena.

Helena was a major river port back before the Civil War, bigger than Memphis. It had strategic value as well. The Union army took control of the city in 1862 and began building fortifications, helped by thousands of refugees, escaped and newly emancipated, who had fled to the Union lines. In the summer of 1863, the Confederates, hoping to relieve the pressure on besieged Vicksburg, attacked Helena, and the shelling all but destroyed the downtown. Union forces, which included some of the first African-American fighting units, drove back the assault and the Confederates retreated. The battle, fought on July 4, 1863, was a major victory for the North, but it’s overshadowed by two other events that happened on the same day: the surrender of Vicksburg and Lee’s retreat from Gettysburg.

Helena rebuilt slowly after the war and had regained some of its prosperity by the 20th Century. Then came the Great Flood of 1927, which wiped out the downtown again. Helena has limped along ever since. In 1941, the local radio station began producing a live program every noontime featuring Sonny Boy Williamson and other Delta bluesmen and sponsored by King Biscuit Flour. It was the first radio show devoted to African-American music, and it still broadcasts daily. Today there are more empty brick buildings in downtown Helena than occupied ones. But for one weekend every October, vacant lots become stages and Cherry Street is lined with buskers. A tent city grows in a park by the Mississippi. Thousands of people fill an amphitheater formed by the back of the levee and Helena rocks with the Blues.

I visit the Mississippi River the morning after I arrive, a nice park on the other side of the levee. Old Man River is flowing slow and low, with sandbars showing on the Arkansas side. Thanks to drought in the upper Midwest, the river is near record lows. The Army Corps is dredging fast as they can, but barges can’t load to full capacity and several times the river has been closed entirely. Two-thirds of the nation’s grain harvest normally gets to market on Mississippi barges, but not this year.

I stop at a park south of town where black refugees camped and black troops held off the Confederates, and walk the ramparts of a replica of Fort Curtis, the Union redoubt. I stop at Court Square, where a band of longhaired white boys are playing for a tiny crowd, too loud and too hot for noontime. I notice a large black monument on the other side of the square with an engraving that meant nothing to me: “Elaine Massacre Memorial,” it says on one side, and on the other “Dedicated to those known and unknown who lost their lives in the Elaine Massacre.”

I look up the details later. In 1919, World War I was over, cotton prices were high and workers across the country were organizing. In the Delta, harvest time was when plantation owners settled up with their sharecroppers, a one-sided negotiation that generally ended with the sharecroppers getting less than their fair share.

A secret meeting of sharecroppers was called for Sept. 30, 1919, at a church in Hoop Spur, between Helena and Elaine, to talk about how to get a better deal. The meeting had been organized by the Progressive Farmers and Household Union, which had been signing up members in the Arkansas Delta since spring. Two armed men were posted outside the church to guard against trouble, and trouble showed up, in the form of two white men, one of them a railroad guard and the other a sheriff’s deputy. Stories differ over who fired the first shot, but in the end one of the white men was dead, the other wounded.

The reaction was fierce. The next morning a posse came to arrest suspects in the shooting, and they soon had help. An estimated 500 to 1,000 armed white people from surrounding counties and across the river in Mississippi showed up to quell what they called an insurrection. Fears of a black insurrection run deep in Southern history, especially in places like Phillips County, where blacks outnumbered whites 10 to one.

The vigilantes went on a rampage, arresting hundreds of black people and shooting others on sight. The governor requested federal troops to restore order, and they joined in the killing. A newspaper reporter later said soldiers had “committed one murder after another with all the calm deliberation in the world, either too heartless to realize the enormity of their crimes, or too drunk on moonshine to give a continental darn.”

Estimates run as high as 300 killed, almost all of them black. More than 100 blacks were charged, and a dozen of them – the “Elaine Twelve” in newspaper headlines – were sentenced to death. It was a national story at the time, now mostly forgotten but for a black stone memorial in Helena.

As for the Blues, the King Biscuit is everything I’d hoped. Mavis Staples was the main draw for me, but there are bands on every street corner and solo performers line the sidewalks, presenting every shade of Blues. I notice, not for the first time, while the Blues started with black people, its audience today is mostly white, and mostly older folks like me. I drink my fill and move on.

Sometimes it seems that wherever I go, I run into the darker chapters of American history. An hour or so south of Helena, I stop at the Jerome-Rohwer Interpretive Museum, a converted railroad depot that commemorates the Jerome and Rohwer Detention Camps, where nearly 16,000 Japanese Americans were imprisoned during World War II. The modest displays inside walk a fine line, condemning the injustice of the concentration camps while celebrating the communities that grew within their fences. A bit further west, I rent a kayak at Moro Bay State Park, paddling quietly through the bald cypress trees of the bayou. A dusty display at the visitors center tells me members of the Choctaw tribe were driven through here back in 1831, trudging through “swamps of waist-deep water,” forced by the U.S. government to leave their homes on the eastern side of the Mississippi for the unknown land we now call Oklahoma.

My ancestors had followed a similar route a few years later. The Davis family had headed west from the Carolinas, settling first outside Oxford, Mississippi, just after the Chickasaws had been pushed out. In 1859, they moved again, crossing the river into Arkansas. They wanted a place where there was ample land for their growing family, and they wanted it to be upland. An uncle had tried to start a plantation in the Delta, only to see his crops fail and his enslaved work force decimated by malaria. The Davises found forested land in Drew County, a few miles west of Monticello. They cleared the land, sold the timber and planted cotton. They built a church and founded a community they called Allis. I had come to Arkansas to find Allis.

In the family lore, Allis is a pretty big deal: a community hacked out of the wilderness, the culmination of the Davis family’s dreams. In its prime, Allis had a post office, a boarding house, a general store and a stop on the railroad. My great-great-grandfather and two others had each chipped in $3.33 to buy five acres, on which they built a church they named Saline, after a nearby creek, with space for a cemetery.

Allis isn’t even a spot on the map today, but Google lists South Allis Road, between Monticello and Wilmar, so I start there, early on a Sunday morning. A dirt road, in good condition, South Allis Road is straight and silent. Two deer stroll across in front of me, in no hurry to get anywhere. I stop at a rail crossing, figuring the town settlement would likely be near the railroad, but find no buildings, nor obvious foundations. The road continues, mostly through woods, and past some power lines. I see a few houses, widely scattered, none of them old enough to have housed my ancestors.

On my second pass, I spot the clearing, set back from the road. A short chain-link fence surrounds a handful of weathered graves, its gate held shut by a frayed bungee cord. A handsome wrought-iron arch above the gate reads “Old Saline Church Cemetery.” Inside, I find all that remains of several generations of my Davis forebears: several rows of modest headstones. There’s Robert G. Davis, who brought the family from North Carolina to Drew County; Margaret Nelson Davis, his wife; Robert Calvin Grier Davis, his son; and his wife, Allie Coleman Davis, who was my mother’s grandmother and namesake.

There are 106 marked gravesites in Old Saline, the oldest dated 1878. A stone marker honors Sarah Nisbet Davis, the family matriarch and inspiration for its travels west. She made it to Arkansas in 1859, but died before the cemetery was established. The marker says she’s buried on North Bailey Street in Monticello, but I couldn’t find any graves on North Bailey.

The cemetery is well maintained, thanks to the Davis family, which has taken care of it since 1861. It’s protected through a listing on the National Register of Historic Places. It’s not accepting new residents, and doesn’t seem to get many visitors. But it’s lovely, and welcoming. I sit awhile at the feet of my distant relations, the sun dancing through the leaves above, thinking about how their journeys connect with my own. There’s no sound but the calls of woodland birds. The the ghosts of Allis are silent.

Allis began to fade when a lumber company built a large mill in Wilmar, just down the road. Wilmar “knocked the shine off Allis,” according to one family account, and the Davises gradually moved on. The forest has reclaimed the yards and farms once known as Davis Row. The only Davises in Allis today in a row in Old Saline Cemetery.

I’m struck by how little we leave behind. The land my great-great-grandfather cleared outside Oxford, Mississippi, appears as undisturbed as when he found it, if you don’t count Rte. 202. The community my great-grandfather built in Drew County, Arkansas, is but a name on a road marker. The school my grandfather established outside Ripley, Mississippi, is barely remembered.

My grandfather left Allis as a young man and never put down roots. He’s buried in Virginia, 750 miles from Old Saline. His descendants, my closest relatives, are all over the country, but not in Arkansas. For our little branch of the Davis family tree, there’s no ancestral homestead, no common hometown. Our parents’ gravesites are spread across the map, their ashes scattered in various places that had meaning for them or their children.

And that’s fine; it’s the modern way. Besides, over the seven generations of Davises I’ve studied, our family has never stood still. But it’s nice to know that there’s a quiet spot, off a dirt road in Arkansas, where we can claim kinship with the land, where we can touch the lives of our ancestors. I soak it in, and move on.

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On the road

Rick Holmes, a semi-retired newspaper opinion writer-editor, is on the road, looking for untold stories that might help America find itself again. His weekly columns on history, geography and current events, can be found in GateHouse Media newspapers and websites, and at www.rickholmes.net


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