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വീക്ഷണം ഓൺലൈൻ ക്യാമ്പയിൻ
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ദേശീയ സംസ്ഥാനതലത്തിൽ ജനാധിപത്യ മതേതര ചേരി ഏറ്റവും വലിയ വെല്ലുവിളി നേരിടുന്ന കാലഘട്ടമാണിത്.
ദേശീയതലത്തിൽ ബിജെപിയും സംഘപരിവാറും ഉയർത്തുന്ന ഭീഷണികൾ രാജ്യത്തിന്റെ ബഹുസ്വരതക്ക് പോറൽ ഏൽപ്പിച്ചു.
കേരളത്തിൽ അധികാരത്തിന്റെ ഗർവ്വിൽ ഏകാധിപത്യവും സ്വജനപക്ഷപാതവും അനീതിയും അഴിമതിയും തുടർക്കഥയാവുകയാണ്. കേന്ദ്ര-സംസ്ഥാന സർക്കാരുകളുടെ ജനാധിപത്യ വിരുദ്ധ നയങ്ങൾക്കെതിരെ ശക്തമായ പ്രതിരോധ കവചം തീർക്കാനുള്ള ബാധ്യത വീക്ഷണത്തിനുണ്ട്.
മാറുന്ന കാലത്തിനനുസൃതമായി ഓൺലൈൻ പ്ലാറ്റ്ഫോമിൽ വീക്ഷണം കൂടുതൽ സജീവമാകുകയാണ്. അതിന്റെ ഭാഗമായുള്ള ഓൺലൈനിൽ പ്രചാരണത്തിന് എല്ലാ ജനാധിപത്യ വിശ്വാസികളുടേയും ആത്മാർത്ഥമായ പിന്തുണ അഭ്യർത്ഥിക്കുന്നു.
വീക്ഷണം ഓൺലൈൻ ക്യാംപെയ്ൻ
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#ഏകാധിപത്യ_കാലത്തെ_ജനാധിപത്യ_ശബ്ദം
കേരളാ മുൻ ഗവർണറും ദില്ലി മുൻ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുമായ ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത് അന്തരിച്ചു
* മുതിർന്ന കോൺഗ്രസ് നേതാവായ ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത്, ദില്ലിയിലെ കോൺഗ്രസിന്‍റെ അനിഷേധ്യ നേതാവായിരുന്നു.
ദില്ലി: മുൻ ദില്ലി മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയും മുതിർന്ന കോൺഗ്രസ് നേതാവുമായ ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത് അന്തരിച്ചു. 81 വയസ്സായിരുന്നു. ഹൃദയാഘാതത്തെ തുടര്‍ന്ന് ദില്ലിയിലെ സ്വകാര്യ ആശുപത്രിയിൽ വച്ചായിരുന്നു അന്ത്യം. ദില്ലിയുടെ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയായി ഏറ്റവും കൂടുതൽ കാലം സേവനമനുഷ്ഠിച്ച വ്യക്തിയായിരുന്നു ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത്. കേരളാ ഗവർണറായും ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത് ചുമതല വഹിച്ചിട്ടുണ്ട്. ദില്ലി പിസിസി അധ്യക്ഷയായി തുടരുകയായിരുന്നു അവർ.
ഇപ്പോഴവരുടെ ഭൗതിക ശരീരം നിസാമുദ്ദീനിലെ വീട്ടിൽ എത്തിച്ചിട്ടുണ്ട്. സംസ്കാരച്ചടങ്ങുകൾ നാളെ ഉച്ചയ്ക്ക് 2.30-ന് നിസാമുദ്ദീനിലെ നിഗം ബോധ് ഘട്ടിൽ നടക്കും.
എന്നും ദില്ലിയിലെ കോൺഗ്രസിന്‍റെ അനിഷേധ്യ നേതാവായിരുന്നു അവർ. അവസാന കാലം വരെ രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിൽ സജീവമായിരുന്നു 'ദില്ലിയുടെ മരുമകൾ' എന്ന് കൂടി വിശേഷിപ്പിക്കപ്പെട്ടിരുന്നു ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത്. ഏറ്റവുമൊടുവിൽ നടന്ന ലോക്സഭാ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ ദില്ലിയിൽ പാർട്ടിയെ നയിച്ചത് ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത് ആണ്.
ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിതിന്‍റെ നിര്യാണത്തിൽ പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി നരേന്ദ്രമോദി, രാഷ്ട്രപതി രാംനാഥ് കോവിന്ദ്, രാഹുല്‍ ഗാന്ധി, പ്രിയങ്ക ഗാന്ധി, അരവിന്ദ് കെജ്രിവാള്‍ തുടങ്ങിയവര്‍ അനുശോചനം രേഖപ്പെടുത്തി. ദില്ലിയുടെ വികസനത്തിന്‌ നിർണായക സംഭാവന ചെയ്ത വ്യക്തിയെയാണ് നഷ്ടമായതെന്ന് പ്രാധാന മന്ത്രി നരേന്ദ്ര മോദി ട്വീറ്റ് ചെയ്തു.
കോണ്‍ഗ്രസിന്‍റെ പ്രിയപ്പെട്ട മകളുടെ മരണ വാര്‍ത്ത തന്നെ തകര്‍ത്തെന്നും വ്യക്തിപരമായി താന്‍ വളരെ അടുപ്പം സൂക്ഷിച്ചിരുന്ന വ്യക്തിയാണ് ഷീല ദീക്ഷിതെന്നും രാഹുല്‍ ഗാന്ധി ട്വീറ്റ് ചെയ്തു. ഷീല ദീക്ഷിത് ഡൽഹിക്കും രാജ്യത്തിനും നൽകിയ സംഭാവനകൾ മഹത്തരമെന്ന് പ്രിയങ്ക ഗാന്ധിയുടെ കുറിപ്പ്.
കുട്ടിക്കാലം മുതല്‍ കോണ്‍ഗ്രസിന് വേണ്ടി കഷ്ടപ്പെട്ട നേതാവായിരുന്നു അന്തരിച്ച ഷീല ദീക്ഷിതെന്ന് എ കെ ആന്റണി. കോണ്‍ഗ്രസിന്‍റെ എല്ലാ പ്രതിസന്ധി ഘട്ടങ്ങളിലും ഷീല ദീക്ഷിത് കരുത്തായി കോണ്‍ഗ്രസിന് പിന്തുടര്‍ന്നിരുന്നു. ഇന്ദിരാ ഗാന്ധി, രാജീവ് ഗാന്ധി, സോണിയാ ഗാന്ധി, നരസിംഹ റാവു, രാഹുൽ ഗാന്ധി - അങ്ങനെ ഏറ്റവും ഒടുവില്‍ പ്രിയങ്ക ഗാന്ധിക്കൊപ്പവും ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത് ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നു. പതിനഞ്ച് വര്‍ഷക്കാലം തുടര്‍ച്ചയായി മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയായ ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത് ദില്ലി കണ്ട ഏറ്റവും പ്രഗല്‍ഭയായ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയായിരുന്നുവെന്നും എ കെ ആന്റണി പറ‍ഞ്ഞു.
ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത് കോണ്‍ഗ്രസിനും രാജ്യത്തിനും നല്‍കിയ സംഭാവനകള്‍ വലുതെന്ന് മുന്‍ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയും കോണ്‍ഗ്രസ് നേതാവുമായ ഉമ്മന്‍ ചാണ്ടി അനുസ്മരിച്ചു. ദില്ലി മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയായും കേരളത്തിന്‍റെ ഗവര്‍ണറായുള്ള ഷീല ദീക്ഷിതിന്‍റെ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനം വളരെയധികം അഭിനന്ദനീയമായിരുന്നു. ഗവര്‍ണറെന്ന നിലയിൽ പ്രവര്‍ത്തിച്ചെന്ന് മാത്രമല്ല, കേരളത്തിന്‍റെ വികസനത്തില്‍ ഷീലാ ദീക്ഷിത് നിര്‍ണ്ണായക പങ്കുവഹിച്ചെന്നും ഉമ്മന്‍ ചാണ്ടി ഓര്‍മ്മിച്ചു.
അവസാന ശ്വാസം വരെ കോൺഗ്രസ് പാർട്ടിക്കു വേണ്ടി ജീവിതം ഉഴിഞ്ഞു വെച്ച സമുന്നതയായ നേതാവായിരുന്നു ഷീല ദിക്ഷിതെന്നു എഐസിസിയുടെ സംഘടനാ ചുമതലയുള്ള ജനറൽ സെക്രട്ടറി കെ സി വേണുഗോപാൽ അനുസ്മരിച്ചു.
കോൺഗ്രസ് നേതാവ് പവൻ ഖേര എ.ഐ.സി.സി ആസ്ഥാനത്തു മാധ്യമങ്ങളെ കാണുന്നു.
130 കോടി ജനങളുടെ ആശീർവാദത്തോടെ കോൺഗ്രസ് ഏറ്റവും വലിയ പാർട്ടിയാകും. കോൺഗ്രസ് ഇന്ത്യ ഭരിക്കും. മോദിക്ക് അധികാരത്തിൽ നിന്ന് പുറത്തു പോകണ്ട അവസ്ഥയുണ്ടാകും - രൺദീപ് സിംഗ് സുർജേവാല. (കോൺഗ്രസ് മാധ്യമ വിഭാഗം തലവൻ )
വാർത്താസമ്മേളനം രൺദീപ് സിംഗ് സുർജേവാല
കോൺഗ്രസ് അധ്യക്ഷൻ രാഹുൽ ഗാന്ധിയുടെ വാർത്താസമ്മേളനം 10 മണിക്ക്
എ. ഐ സി സി ആസ്ഥാനത്തു കോൺഗ്രസ് നേതാവ് രാജീവ് ശുക്ള വാർത്താസമ്മേളനം നടത്തുന്നു
Sedition a potent weapon for India’s rulers: 179 arrests,112 cases filed, 2 convictions
While the figures of sedition cases for 2017 onwards are not available, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) shows a a spike in arrests for sedition between 2014 and 2016
Shahana Bhattacharya and Deepika Tandon/Counterview
The slapping of sedition charges against writer and academic Hiren Gohain, Akhil Gogoi, leader of the Kisan Mukti Sangram Samiti, and senior journalist Manjit Mahanta on January 7, 2019, and the process of filing charge-sheet in the 2016 sedition case against Jawharlal Nehru University (JNU) students Kanhaiya Kumar, Umar Khalid, and Anirban Bhattacharya, seven Kashmiri students, Aquib Hussain, Mujeeb Hussain, Muneeb Hussain, Umar Gul, Rayeea Rasool, Bashir Bhat and 38 unknown others, once again illustrate the character of the law on sedition as a potent weapon in the hands of ruling dispensations.
While the figures of sedition cases for 2017 onwards are not available, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) shows a a spike in arrests for sedition between 2014 and 2016. In early 2014 only nine persons were either in custody pending trial or on bail. Between 2014 and 2016, 179 people were arrested and 112 sedition cases filed with only two of the cases resulting in conviction.
Gohain and the two others have been booked for sedition for their role in a meeting opposing the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill. The reasons given being that they discussed “swadheenta” and allegedly slogans of “murdabad” were raised against the Prime Minister and the Chief Minister at the meeting.
In the JNU case, as is well known, the accused were booked for organizing an event in the University at which death penalty to Afzal Guru was criticized, and allegedly slogans of “azaadi” raised. In both cases the events have been construed as a threat to the integrity of India and attempts to provoke disaffection against the government.
The FIR against Gohain, Mahanta and Gogoi acknowledges the democratic nature of the meeting, and yet the charge of sedition is applied. It reads “the meeting was held democratically but these people threatened the sovereignty of the country and so I urge to take action against these people”. The video evidence in the JNU case did not show incitement to violence, and images were also morphed.
Intended to curb people’s aspirations and anti-government protests in colonial India, the Sections on sedition remain on the statute books in independent India because they serve the same anti-people purpose, the only change being the national, class, caste, and religious character of the rulers
The timing of the FIRs on the day before the Bill came up before the Lok Sabha, and the filing of the chargesheet four months before national elections reveal the political intent of the government to muzzle dissent. The cases once again prove the intrinsic nature of the sedition law as a political weapon in that it allows for criminalizing expressions of dissent against the government.
Slogans about freedom, criticism of certain executive decisions and government policies are democratic expressions of diverse aspirations of people. The speeches of Gohain, Gogoi and Mahanta on the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill are only one manifestation of mass opposition to the Bill, evident from continuing protests in the North East, not just Assam.
The apex court has been known to rule that harsh criticism of individual politicians, and government policies in itself is not sedition. Yet we have the Assam case where sections of speeches which are part of a larger opposition to a government policy have been taken out of context.
The SC had quashed sedition charges in Balwant Singh vs State of Punjab (1995) where the two accused were arrested for shouting pro-Khalistan and anti-India slogans. The court ruled that a few slogans could not possibly threaten public order or national sovereignity, but the JNU case has still been filed. Sedition cases have a history of collapsing because of the flimsy grounds on which they are filed. However, the consequences for the accused can be far reaching. After the filing of the sedition charges, Umar Khalid was rusticated by the University and he was not allowed to submit his PhD thesis.
The wide latitude offered for interpretation in wording of the law on sedition evident in the contradictions between various judicial pronouncements and the arbitrary use by police offer a history of the section as a potent political weapon in the hands of ruling dispensations to attack dissent and dissenters, while curtailing democratic rights.
The issue is not the abuse of the law on sedition but the very purpose behind the Section. Intended to curb people’s aspirations and anti-government protests in colonial India, the Sections on sedition remain on the statute books in independent India because they serve the same anti-people purpose, the only change being the national, class, caste, and religious character of the rulers.
People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) demands abolition of the section on sedition and quashing of FIRs in the JNU and Gawahati cases.
CBIvsCBI: A Case in Point for the Crisis in Indian Democracy
In the eerily early hours of 24th October 2018, the Modi government executed one of its most blatant attacks on the Indian democracy. They divested CBI director Alok Verma along with special director Rakesh Asthana "of all powers" claiming that the ongoing feud between them was threatening the integrity of the institution.
To provide some background to the feud: Asthana’s name had cropped up in a high-profile corruption case as early as August 2017, and he was appointed Special Director later in October 2017 by the Modi Government despite strong opposition by then-Director Verma due to Asthana’s alleged corruption. This started a power tussle within the CBI with both Verma and Asthana alleging corruption against the other, and Verma investigating Asthana and Asthana complaining about Verma to the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC).
In reality however, the entire situation started to go nuclear in October 2018 when prominent lawyer Prashant Bhushan and former ministers Arun Shourie and Yashwant Sinha met Verma, asking for a probe into alleged corruption in the Rafale aircraft deal and offset contract where Anil Ambani got illegal commissions. The trio of Bhushan, Shourie and Sinha filed a detailed complaint with documents buttressing their argument for the need of a probe under the Prevention of Corruption Act.
Reports claimed that the government was 'unhappy' with the events unfolding in the CBI. Things only worsened when Asthana was officially booked by the CBI in a bribery case, and another officer arrested while Verma requested the Defense ministry to authenticate the documents related to the Rafale deal.
With the ground shrinking beneath his feet, PM Modi in a coup like attempt, unconstitutionally removed Verma from his position, and for good measure, Asthana as well claiming that their feud was threatening the credibility of the institution while it was actually PM Modi’s fear of what Verma could find if he looked too closely at the documents of the Rafale deal.
The net effect of the Prime Minister’s action was that the upper echelons of the CBI were virtually dismantled as the major investigation teams were dissolved, with officers transferred to far off places like the Andamans and the CBI building sealed.
More drama unfolded as Verma moved the Supreme Court against his removal, and while the Supreme Court held his removal as unconstitutional and restored him as director, in a blow to the Prime Minister, it also referred Verma’s fate to a high-powered selection committee comprised of the Prime Minister, the leader of opposition and a representative of the Chief Justice of India as per the law.
PM Modi, without wasting a second in fear of what could happen with Verma reinstated in the CBI, convened the committee immediately and got Verma removed again from his position. Half-baked reports of the CVC alleging corruption against Verma were presented in the committee, however without any substantial evidence, as noted by the Leader of Opposition, Mallikarjun Kharge, in his dissent note opposing the removal of Verma.
It must be noted here that even Justice A K Patnaik, the retired Supreme Court judge who was asked to supervise the CVC enquiry that eventually led to the ouster of Verma, said that there was “no evidence of corruption” against Verma, and “what the CVC says cannot be the final word”. He was critical of “the very, very hasty” decision of the PM-led committee to remove Verma from the CBI Director’s post, merely two days after he was reinstated by the Supreme Court.
What was the hurry for in the decision to sack Verma without giving him a proper hearing? Why couldn’t Verma be allowed to continue his constitutional duties for just another 3 weeks? What is the Prime Minister afraid of? Is it safeguarding the integrity of the institution as he so claims or is it the Rafale deal which he cannot afford to be looked too closely at?
These are questions that must be answered by the government of the day, which has somehow made it a habit to attack independent institutions for political gain. From the Reserve Bank of India to the Central Bureau of Investigation; from the University Grants Commission to the Judiciary, PM Modi has left no stone unturned to prove that he will not tolerate any form of dissent against him from any institution. Is this the hallmark of a democracy or a autocracy?
Make no mistake, these incidents are part of a larger attack on the very foundations of the Indian Democracy, which is facing an unprecedented crisis due to the Modi governments actions. Our democratic institutions and traditions are under siege from the government of the day and we need to do everything we can to fight back.
The ‘Demon’ in Demonetisation
On 8th November, 2016, Narendra Modi, in an authoritarian move, opened Pandora’s box. In his address to Rajya Sabha on the 23rd of November, 2016, Dr. Manmohan Singh said, “it will affect all those people who are in the informal sector of the economy… the GDP of the country can decline by 2 percent”. The words of former PM, Dr. Singh, proved prophetic as can be seen from the reports that have come out since the ill-fated move. The reports that have come out since have acknowledged the ‘elephant in the room’. The GDP growth slowed significant and subsequently India lost the status of the ‘fastest growing major economy in the world’. Various infra and other projects felt the heat as is evident from the monthly report of the Central Electricity Authority, which stated that various projects have cited demonetisation as a reason behind the delays. Modi came to power on the promise of job creation at the rate of 2 crores per year but in reality the complete opposite has happened. As per a report by the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), which stated that 1.5 million jobs were lost during January-April 2017 post-demonetisation. A government that talks much about ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao’ somehow managed to increase domestic violence, as reported though various studies and NGOs. There was clear spike in cases of domestic-violence post demonetisation. All this in addition to the extremely unfortunate incidences of more than 150 deaths during the ill-fated and ill-implemented exercise. Where is the accountability?
However, even if we ignore all of the above and just focus on demonetisation’s impact on the agricultural sector, which employs more than 50 per cent of the total workforce in India and contributes around 17-18 percent to the country's GDP, it should be enough to paint the picture of demonetisation’s failure.
Impact on agriculture
The latest report by the Agriculture Ministry, which was later suspiciously (but expectedly) taken down, cleared the air on the impact of demonetisation on the biggest sector (employment wise) of the Indian economy. The report concedes that farmers were badly hit due to the move. The lack of planning is evident from the fact that demonetisation was implemented when the farmers were either selling their Kharif yield or sowing Rabi crops, and as per the report, “millions of farmers were unable to get enough cash to buy seeds and fertilisers for their winter crops. Even worse, landlords faced a problem such as paying daily wages to the farmers and purchasing agriculture needs for growing crops.”. This is evident from the fact that even National Seed Corporation failed to sell nearly 1.38 lakh quintals of wheat seeds because of the cash crunch, which did not pickup even after the government later allowed the use of old currency-notes for such transactions. How could it? The whole country was in queues. The agriculture sector is yet to recover from the shock of demonetisation, which is evident from the farmers’ distress that we are witnessing on a daily basis – the Kisan Mukti March being the latest example of it. There was severe slowdown in the agricultural sector of the Indian economy as the GVA growth – GDP minus taxes and subsidies – more than halved from 4.1 percent in 2016-17 to 1.7 percent in 2017-18, as per government data. This is due to the fact that food grain production fell by 2.8 percent during 2017-18 Kharif season. However, this is not the only criticism that demonetisation has received. It has been criticised from all walks of life. We have listed a few below.
Notable criticisms of demonetisation
Former PM Dr. Manmohan Singh: In his speech in the parliament on the 23rd of November, 2016, speaking like the visionary he is, Dr. Singh stated in clear terms that demonetisation was ‘an organised loot and legalised plunder’.
Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen: He termed demonetisation as a “despotic action that has struck at the root of economy based on trust.”. Prof. Sen has criticised the move for breaking the sacred trust of the economy, which forms the very basis of transaction. He said, “It (demonetisation) undermines notes, it undermines bank accounts, it undermines the entire economy of trust. That is the sense in which it is despotic”.
Former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan: The former RBI governor clearly stated to the government demonetisation was "not a good idea" and that it "was not a well-planned, well thought-out, useful exercise and I told the government that when the idea was first mooted.". If only Modi listened to anybody else’s Mann Ki Baat.
Global rating agency Fitch: it stated that the move will cause disruptions in the economy, and, hence, downgraded the GDP growth forecasts for India to 6.9 per cent from 7.4 per cent, which turns out was a conservative estimate.
Former Vice-President and Chief Economist of the World Bank Kaushik Basu: "It (demonetisation) was poorly designed, with scant attention paid to the laws of the market, and it is likely to fail. So far its effects have been disastrous for the middle- and lower-middle classes, as well as the poor. And the worst may be yet to come," Basu wrote in The New York Times. He further went on to say that demonetisation would have a disastrous effect on the Indian economy.
Former economist at the World Bank Arun Shourie: he said that demonetisation was the 'greatest blunder in economic policy for 70 years'. He further argued, “This is a strike not on black money. It is a strike on the legal tender of India, on the currency. It is a strike on cash transactions… People who hold the black money or those who have black assets, they don't hold them in cash. One per cent of Indians hold 53 per cent of total assets in India. They don’t put their money under mattresses.”.
HSBC: "India's economic growth is expected to fall by up to 1 percentage points over the next 12 months in the wake of demonetisation, while longer-term gains will depend on follow-up reforms.”, said the giant of the global finance sector.
Rajiv Bajaj: Mr. Bajaj, MD of Bajaj Auto, stated in clear terms that the whole idea of note-ban is flawed, therefore, any criticism of implementation is futile. “If the solution or the idea is right, it will go like a hot knife through butter. If the idea (demonetisation) is not working, don’t blame ex*****on I think your idea itself is wrong,” he said at the annual NASSCOM leadership forum in Mumbai.
Two years after demonetisation several facts have come to light, like the case of exorbitant post-demonetisation deposits in ADCB – where Amit Shah is president – and other such banks headed by BJP leaders, and the subsequent exponential rise in BJP’s income. Such facts have shifted the ‘demon’ of demonetisation from an ill-implemented move to an ill-intentioned move. Now, the questions are not about the shifting goal-posts – which the government has resorted to since two years – but about the real intentions behind the move? Was it an attempt at remonetising the BJP?
Sonia Gandhi - Her Life
Sonia Gandhi Biography
Sonia Gandhi happens to be the longest serving President of the Indian National Congress; one of the oldest and the most influential political parties in the history of India. She was in charge of holding the helm of the Indian National Congress prior to Rahul Gandhi’s ascension as the President making her tenure of being the President of the party the longest. She shouldered the responsibility of the Indian National Congress in the year 1998; seven years post the unfortunate assassination of her husband Rajiv Gandhi. The Indian National Congress under her leadership saw constant revitalisation and a stronger trajectory to mould India into what the forefathers of the Constitution dreamt the country to be. Sonia Gandhi also held the responsibility of the Chairperson of the Coordinating Committee of the United Progressive Alliance that formed the government of India for two uninterrupted terms from 2004 to 2014.
Early life of Sonia Gandhi:
Sonia Gandhi was born on the 9th of December, 1946. After finishing her schooling at a young age of thirteen, she marched on to Cambridge to study English. It was there that she met Rajiv Gandhi who was completing an engineering degree from the Trinity College of the University of Cambridge. Rajiv Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi tied the knot in 1968 after which she settled into the residence of her mother-in-law Indira Gandhi, who happened to be the then Prime Minister of India. After her marriage, Sonia Gandhi dedicated much of her time caring for her family and took very little part politics. However she was a steady companion to Indira Gandhi accompanying her to a number of her formal official responsibilities. Sonia Gandhi later took over some additional responsibilities after her husband, Rajiv Gandhi, became the Prime Minister and then the Leader of the Opposition. During this period, she travelled with Rajiv Gandhi across the length & breadth of this country. She took to attending matters of health care and welfare undertakings in Rajiv Gandhi’s parliamentary constituency of Amethi, Uttar Pradesh.. However besides these additional responsibilities, Sonia Gandhi’s devotion and her impeccable affection and care towards her family only became stronger.
Overview of Sonia Gandhi’s education:
Sonia Gandhi was quick to finish her schooling by a very young age of thirteen where her teachers recalled her to be “intelligent, diligent and committed”. After accomplishing her initial education, Sonia Gandhi took to attending a foreign language school where she enrolled herself to learn Russian, French and English. She also went on to learn English from the University of Cambridge and it was here that she met Rajiv Gandhi; an encounter that would be blessed to become a union of marriage.
Political journey of Sonia Gandhi:
The early days for Sonia Gandhi after her marriage with Rajiv Gandhi did not involve great political undertakings. She remained predominantly a private citizen where she dedicated her time for the well-being of her family. In some instances, Sonia Gandhi helped her mother-in-law Indira Gandhi with her engagements of the office and also played the role of a hostess. Sonia Gandhi limitedly accompanied her husband Rajiv Gandhi in his visits across the country and in the foreign lands in his time as both the Prime Minister of India and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha apart from focusing on many social welfare programs in Rajiv Gandhi’s parliamentary constituency of Amethi in Uttar Pradesh. The May of 1991 brought upon the horrendous assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. Sonia Gandhi to this terrible incident laid the grounds for the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation that happened to be a non-governmental organization along with its supplementary think tank, the Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies. She headed these organizations as the chairperson and engaged in their efficient functioning for the social good as well as to venerate the legacy of her husband. Near a decade after the assassination of her husband and the then Prime Minister of India, Sonia Gandhi set her foot as a primary member in the Indian National Congress in the Calcutta Plenary Session in 1997. Sonia Gandhi dedicated her energy and campaigned for the party with utmost vigour and effervescence and her efforts fuelled the party to achieve a greater threshold. Soon after, in April 1998, Sonia Gandhi was handed the responsibility of the President of the Indian National Congress and became the vanguard of the party. Sonia Gandhi officially became a Member of Parliament from the parliamentary constituency of Amethi, Uttar Pradesh in the year 1999. Subsequently, she also became the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha. The General Elections of 2004 saw the Congress securing the largest number of seats under the leadership of Sonia Gandhi. This victory was instrumental for the Indian National Congress to amalgamate a coalition government of the United Progressive Alliance. It was in this very election that Sonia Gandhi was elected a Member of Parliament Rae Bareli, Uttar Pradesh.
Sonia Gandhi as the President of the Indian National Congress:
Sonia Gandhi did not usher herself into the Indian National Congress immediately after her husband’s death in the year 1991. It was only after seven years in 1997 where Sonia Gandhi became a permanent member in the Kolkata plenary of the Indian National Congress. Very soon, Sonia Gandhi was elected the Congress President on the 14th of March 1998. There were many hindrances to this journey but Sonia Gandhi exhibited an exemplary performance of leadership and direction and this was seen in the demolition of Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s Bharatiya Janta Party led National Democratic Alliance in the year 2004 where Sonia Gandhi’s “aam aadmi” slogan virtually decimated the BJP’s “India Shining” and other phrases. Sonia Gandhi was instrumental in revitalizing the momentum of the Indian National Congress. Her entry into the party boosted the performance where the Congress saw a more energised trajectory in terms of upholding the principles of secularism, representation, equity and welfare. Sonia Gandhi’s tenure as the President of the Indian National Congress reflected her immense caliber not only as a political leader but also her ability to masterfully forge alliances among the miscellaneous parties and to act as a guiding beacon for all the opposition parties. The two successive tenure of the United Progressive Alliance is a testament to the qualities of leadership of Sonia Gandhi.
Sonia Gandhi as the UPA Chairperson:
After the General Elections of 2004, the birth of the United Progressive Alliance took place that was a coalition of the centre-left political parties of the country. The largest political party of this coalition was the Indian National Congress and Sonia Gandhi became the chairperson of the United Progressive Alliance. During this period, Sonia Gandhi saw the overwhelming support for her leadership in the Parliament which meant she would be sworn in as the Prime Minister of India. However to the astonishment of her opposition as well as her supporters, Sonia Gandhi humbly declined the offer. On this occasion she said, “Power in itself has never attracted me, nor has position been my goal.” Instead, Dr. Manmohan Singh was nominated as the leader of the coalition government and was subsequently sworn in as the Prime Minister. Another fundamental role that Sonia Gandhi undertook was as the Chairperson of the National Advisory Council which was a forum that provided the government with recommendations and suggestions that were instrumental in the socio-economic well-being of the country. Sonia Gandhi as the Chairperson of the United Progressive Alliance government and the National Advisory Committee had a tremendous hand in the enacting of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, National Rural Health Mission, Jawaharlal Nehru Urban Renewal Mission, Mid-Day Meal Scheme National Rehabilitation Policy and the Right to Information Act among many others. On the 23rd of March 2006, a controversy broke out that accused Sonia Gandhi of holding office-of-profit and that the United Progressive Alliance was to issue an ordinance where the Chairperson of the National Advisory Council would be rendered immune from the view point of holding an office-of-profit. To this development, Sonia Gandhi announced her resignation as the National Advisory Council as well as the Lok Sabha only to be re-elected in May 2006 from her constituency of Rae Bareli with an even greater margin of over four lakh votes. On the 2nd of October 2007, Sonia Gandhi stood before and addressed the United Nations on the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi which is globally observed as the International Day of Non-violence on account of a resolution passed by the United Nations on the 15th of July 2007. This was in response to the resolution passed by the Indian National Congress during the Satyagraha Conference that took place in the same year. Sonia Gandhi played an instrumental role in the United Progressive Alliance’s return to power in the General Elections of 2009. In this election, the Congress won a total of two hundred and six seats on its own. Sonia Gandhi soon resumed the role of the Chairperson of the National Advisory Council that was reconstituted on the 29th of May, 2010. Across her years as the UPA Chairperson, Sonia Gandhi maintained an unparalleled focus on addressing and enacting the issues related to the welfare of the underprivileged especially the women and children, the environment and a multitude of social welfare schemes.
Achievements and awards of Sonia Gandhi:
The following are the list of achievements, honours and awards of Sonia Gandhi:
The Forbes Magazine in 2004 recognised Sonia Gandhi as the third most powerful woman in the world.
Sonia Gandhi was the recipient of an honorary Doctorate from the University of Brussels in the year 2006.
Sonia Gandhi was honoured by the Government of Belgium with the Order of King Leopold in the year 2006.
The Forbes Magazine in 2007 recognised Sonia Gandhi as the sixth most powerful woman in the world.
The Time Magazine mentioned Sonia Gandhi as one of the World’s 100 most influential people consecutively in 2007 and 2008.
Sonia Gandhi was the recipient of an honorary Doctorate in Literature from the University of Madras in the year 2008.
The Forbes Magazine in 2009 recognised Sonia Gandhi as the ninth most powerful woman in the world.
The British Magazine ‘New Statesman’ ranked Sonia Gandhi among the ‘Fifty most Influential People of the World’ for the year 2010.
Sonia Gandhi successfully defeated Sushma Swaraj, a senior Bharatiya Janata Party Leader in the year 1999 where she won the Lok Sabha elections from Bellary.
Sonia Gandhi was re-elected as a Lok Sabha member from Rae Bareli in Uttar Pradesh for both the years of 2004 and 2009.
Sonia Gandhi became elected to the thirteenth Lok Sabha as the Leader of Opposition during the tenure of the Bharatiya Janata Party led National Democratic Alliance under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee in the year 1999.
Sonia Gandhi was the longest serving president of the Indian National Congress for a total of nineteen years from 1998 to 2017.
Sonia Gandhi was the Chairperson of the National Advisory Council form March 2010 to May 2014.
Sonia Gandhi is the author of two books on her husband titled ‘Rajiv’ and ‘Rajiv’s World’ and has also edited two volumes of letters that were exchanged between Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi between 1992 and 1964 with the titles ‘Freedom’s Daughter’ and ‘Two Alone, Two Together’.
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എ. ഐ സി സി ആസ്ഥാനത്തു കോൺഗ്രസ് നേതാവ് രാജീവ് ശുക്ള വാർത്താസമ്മേളനം നടത്തുന്നു
സേവ് ഫാക്ട് ആക്ഷൻ കമ്മിറ്റിയുടെ ആഭിമുഖ്യത്തിൽ നടത്തിയ പാർലമെന്റ് മാർച്ചും ധർണയും കോൺഗ്രസ് പ്രവർത്തക സമിതി അംഗം എ. കെ ആന്റണി ഉദ്ഘാടനം ചെയ്യുന്നു.
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