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CPRM Radyo

Filipino-Canadian internet radio in Montreal. Connecting Filipinos around the globe. Home of OPM

To Support: http://paypal.me/cprm013113

CPRM is a Canadian-Filipino Radio on the Internet, created here in the heart of Montreal, province of Quebec. It is created to give entertainment and connect Filipino people, family, relatives and friends around the world through Music. People who were miles away from their loved ones due to work or for any other reasons, hearing every day to foreign language make immigrants and foreign workers mo

re hungry for their very own music. The Home of the Original Pilipino Music. The creation of Canadianpinoyradio-Montreal (CPRM) aims to fill in the hunger of most Filipinos who are home away from home. Aims to give tribute too, to the language of the motherland, preserving and remembering those various traditional and modern music of the Filipino great composers and singers. As a new generation of singers, composers and artists tend to emerge in the international venue of their individual craft would result in the extinction of the heritage. CPRM now a SOCAN licensed new media, plays to you those old and new favourite songs of our famous singers around the globe as requested by our listeners. Filipinos are great music lovers so that you can hear songs of yesterday's hit, unfamiliar to the present generations' music. Playing novelty songs from the different regions of the country puts colours to the air of our listeners and brings back a thousand memories. As we expand our service to all, sharing the message of writers and/or composers, we also help spread and preserved those valuable and commendable arts and works, the product of one's culture and tradition. We are playing Christian songs every day from 6am to 7:30 am and 6pm to 7:30pm EST every day!!!...

Canadian Pinoy Radio-Montreal - the voice of the Singers, Composers, Writers, Photographers, Painters and YOU! We want your side to be heard and felt around the globe!... Your humble servant 24/7...

and We are available now on Tunein radio

12/27/2025

Hindi kailanman sasagot ng “TAMA” ang kurap.
Hindi dahil wala silang alam—kundi dahil ang tamang sagot ang unang umaamin.
Sa mundo ng korapsyon, ang katotohanan ay hindi prinsipyo.
Ito ay ebidensya.

Kaya imbes na maghintay ng sagot, mas mahalagang itanong:
Nasaan ang papeles?
Nasaan ang pondo?
Nasaan ang rekord?
Dahil ang kurap ay puwedeng magsinungaling sa salita—
pero bihirang makalusot sa dokumento.

12/27/2025

HINDI ANG LEAK ANG ISYU — ANG NILALAMAN

Hindi mo kailangang gumawa ng sunog
para patunayang may apoy.
Kapag ang dokumento ay tugma sa opisyal na rekord,
hindi mahalaga kung sino ang nag-abot ng kopya.
Ang mahalaga: bakit umiiral ang nakasulat?

Ang leak ay paraan.
Ang laman ang krimen.
Kung totoo ang files,
ang tanong ay hindi “sino ang nag-leak?”
kundi “sino ang gumawa — at sino ang pumirma?”
Sa demokrasya,
ang katotohanan ay hindi nade-delay sa pamamagitan ng technicality.

12/27/2025

Bagong Palengke, Pero Kaya Ba ng Tindera?

Maganda ang bagong Mahinog Public Market—malinis, maayos, moderno. Sa unang tingin, mukhang malinaw na simbolo ng kaunlaran.

Pero ang tanong: para kanino ang kaunlarang ito?

Sa likod ng basbas at ribbon cutting, may katotohanang hindi puwedeng balewalain: mabigat ang bayarin. Mataas ang buwanang renta, may hindi naibabalik na “goodwill money,” may sanitation fee, at sagot pa ng mga tindera ang kuryente at tubig.

Ang palengke ay dapat sandigan ng maliliit na negosyante—hindi hadlang sa kanilang kabuhayan. Kapag ang singil ay lampas sa araw-araw na kita ng karaniwang tindera, ang resulta ay tahimik na palengke: bagong gusali, pero kulang sa buhay.

Hindi sapat ang maganda ang istruktura.
Hindi sapat ang may litrato ng pagbubukas.

Ang tunay na sukatan ng kaunlaran ay kung may nananatiling nagtitinda, hindi kung ilang beses itong nabasbasan.

Kapag bakante ang mga pwesto pagkalipas ng ilang buwan, malinaw ang mensahe:
may itinayong palengke, pero naiwan ang tao.

12/27/2025

A New Market, But At What Cost?

The new Mahinog Public Market looks impressive—clean lines, modern structure, accessible ramps. On the surface, it feels like progress.

But infrastructure is only successful if the people it’s meant to serve can actually afford it.

Behind the ribbon cutting and blessing lies a harder truth: the cost of participation is steep. Monthly stall rentals that rival urban rates, a non-refundable goodwill fee, sanitation charges, and utilities shouldered entirely by vendors raise a serious question—who is this market really for?

Public markets exist to support small vendors, not quietly price them out. When fees are set beyond the daily reality of local sellers, a market risks becoming a structure without life—clean, modern, and half-empty.

Development should empower livelihoods, not test their survival.

If vendors struggle to stay, vacant stalls will tell the real story long after the ceremonies end.

Because progress is not measured by how new a building looks— but by how many people can actually thrive inside it.

12/27/2025

ANG CAMIGUIN MANIFESTO

Dili kulang sa kaunlaran ang Camiguin.
Gidisenyo kini aron magpabiling nakaasa.

Usa ka isla.
Usa ka distrito.
Usa ka switch.

Kung ang gahum moagi ra sa usa ka linya,
mawala ang kapilian
ug ang pagsunod mura’g kalig-on.

Dili kini pagpabaya.
Kini kay tukmang disenyo.

Moabot ang proyekto sa dili pa maguba.
Motulo ang pondo sa dili pa mobarug ang panaway.
Sapat aron mabuhi.
Dili igo aron makabarug.

Mas sayon dumalahan
ang isla nga buhi lang
kaysa isla nga gitugotan mutubo.

Dili manluluwas ang gikinahanglan sa Camiguin.
Ang pagtangtang sa switch ang gikinahanglan.

Kay ang demokrasya dili molihok
kung ang pagkinabuhi adunay kondisyon.

12/26/2025

When Cash Is Forced to Move, Truth Comes Out

Sen. Robin Padilla’s call to review the demonetization or phase-out of ₱1,000 bills issued from 2020–2025 is being misunderstood as “pagsunog ng pera.” It is not.

This is not about punishing ordinary Filipinos. This is about forcing hoarded cash to surface—especially money that survives only because it stays hidden.

High-denomination bills are the lifeblood of cash-based corruption: kickbacks, SOPs, election money, and bribery. They are easy to store, easy to move, and hard to trace—until the system forces them to move.

A targeted phase-out does one powerful thing: it creates a deadline. And deadlines force decisions.
Either the money enters the formal system—with records, questions, and scrutiny—or it loses value.
No raids.
No whistleblowers.
No press conferences.

Just accountability by necessity.
This is not chaos. This is surgical pressure—limited to one denomination, limited to specific years, and designed to squeeze illicit cash without disrupting the entire economy.
Other countries have done it. Not for drama, but because dirty money is weakest when it moves.

If executed properly by the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, this becomes more than a monetary policy.
It becomes a message:

We are not cleaning reputations.
We are cleaning the money.

--------------------------------------------------

Kapag Pinagalaw ang Cash, Lumalabas ang Katotohanan
Ang panukala ni Sen. Robin Padilla na i-review ang pag-invalidate o pag-phase out ng ₱1,000 bills (2020–2025 issue) ay mali ang framing ng iba. Hindi ito “pagsunog ng pera.”

Hindi ito laban sa karaniwang mamamayan.
Ito ay laban sa nakatagong pera—perang nabubuhay lamang dahil hindi ginagalaw.
Ang ₱1,000 bill ang pinaka-paboritong gamit sa:
kickbacks,
SOP,
lagayan,
at the election money.

Madaling itago. Madaling ipasa. Mahirap sundan—hangga’t hindi ito pinipilit gumalaw.
Kapag may deadline ang palitan, may desisyon:
Ipasok sa sistema at magpaliwanag,
o manatiling tahimik at mawalan ng halaga.

Walang raid.
Walang whistleblower.
Walang palabas.

Accountability na kusa—dahil wala nang choice.
Hindi ito biglaang demonetization.
Ito ay kontrolado at targetted na pressure, limitado sa isang denomination at tiyak na panahon.

Ginawa na ito ng ibang bansa hindi para sa drama, kundi dahil alam nila ang totoo:
Pinaka-mahina ang dirty money kapag gumagalaw.
Kung maayos ang pagpapatupad ng Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, malinaw ang mensahe:
Hindi pangalan ang nililinis.
Pera ang nililinis.

12/26/2025

Call 5145600398

12/26/2025

–3: WHEN A PRESIDENT’S RATING SLIPS BELOW ZERO

A –3 public rating is not just a number. It is a verdict.

For Ferdinand Marcos Jr., falling into negative territory means more Filipinos are dissatisfied than satisfied. Not undecided. Not confused. Dissatisfied.

Governments love to argue methodology when numbers turn ugly. They question surveys, attack pollsters, or point to “communication gaps.” But ratings don’t collapse in a vacuum. They fall when daily life contradicts official narratives.

When prices stay high, speeches stay optimistic.
When accountability is promised but never arrives.
When transparency is demanded but delayed.
A –3 rating reflects lived experience, not propaganda failure.
This is the danger zone of leadership: not outrage, but erosion. People stop expecting solutions. They stop believing explanations. They stop listening. That silence is far more threatening than protest.

Negative ratings don’t automatically mean a presidency is finished. But they do mean legitimacy is thinning. And legitimacy, once lost, is almost impossible to recover with slogans alone.

The administration may still hold power, budgets, and alliances—but trust is no longer guaranteed. Trust must now be earned the hard way: through results that can be felt, not press-released.

History is unforgiving to leaders who treat warning signs as noise. A –3 is not an attack. It is a signal.

Ignore it, and the next numbers won’t just be negative.
They will be decisive.

12/26/2025

THE CAMIGUIN MANIFESTO

Camiguin is not underdeveloped.
It is engineered to depend.
One island.
One district.
One switch.

When power runs through a single line,
choice disappears, and obedience looks like stability.
This is not neglect.
This is precision.
Projects arrive just before collapse.
Funds flow just before dissent.
Enough to breathe.
Never enough to stand.

An island kept alive
is easier to manage
than an island allowed to grow.
Camiguin does not need saviors.
It needs the switch removed.
Because democracy cannot function
where survival is conditional.

12/26/2025

₱30 BILLION MORE FOR CONGRESS — AND STILL NO CLEAR ANSWERS

At a time when hospitals are overcrowded, classrooms are lacking, and flood-control projects remain unfinished, the Philippine House of Representatives quietly walks away with an additional ₱30 billion.

Not for teachers.
Not for doctors.
Not for disaster-prone communities.
For Congress itself.
The issue here is not just the number — it’s the audacity of the increase and the silence surrounding it.

₱30 billion is not a rounding error. It is not “operational adjustment.” It is not harmless. That amount could fund thousands of classrooms, permanent evacuation centers, or health facilities that Filipinos actually touch and use. Yet instead of being debated in the open, this massive addition slips through budget discussions with little public explanation.

This is where trust collapses.

When the government tells ordinary agencies to “do more with less,” but lawmakers keep getting more with fewer questions, the public is forced to ask: Who is the budget really for?

Supporters will say it is legal.
They will say it is within Congress’s power.
They will say procedures were followed.

But legality is the lowest standard of leadership.

The real test is legitimacy — and legitimacy requires transparency.
If ₱30 billion is justified, then itemize it clearly.
Explain it in plain language.
Defend it publicly.
Budgets are moral documents. They show what a government values. And right now, this increase tells Filipinos that political convenience is being prioritized over public need.

A Congress that truly represents the people does not hide behind annexes, lump sums, and technical jargon. It stands in front of the public and explains, peso by peso, why it deserves more — especially when everyone else is being asked to tighten their belts.

Until that happens, ₱30 billion will not look like governance.

It will look like entitlement.

-------------------------------------------------

₱30 BILYONG DAGDAG SA KONGRESO — AT TAHIMIK PA RIN ANG PALIWANAG

Habang siksikan ang mga ospital, kulang ang silid-aralan, at hindi pa rin tapos ang mga flood-control project, tahimik na nadagdagan ng ₱30 bilyon ang badyet ng Mababang Kapulungan ng Kongreso.

Hindi para sa g**o.
Hindi para sa health worker.
Hindi para sa mga komunidad na laging binabaha.
Para sa Kongreso mismo.
Hindi lang halaga ang problema rito — kundi ang lakas ng loob ng pagdagdag at ang kawalan ng malinaw na paliwanag.

Ang ₱30 bilyon ay hindi maliit. Hindi ito simpleng “adjustment.” Isa itong pondong kayang magpatayo ng libo-libong silid-aralan, evacuation center, at serbisyong direktang napapakinabangan ng taumbayan. Pero sa halip na lantad na ipaliwanag, lumusot ito sa proseso na parang normal lang.

Dito nawawala ang tiwala.

Kapag sinasabihan ang mga ahensiya na maghigpit ng sinturon, pero ang mga mambabatas ay palaging nadaragdagan ng pondo, natural lang na itanong ng mamamayan: para kanino ba talaga ang badyet ng bayan?

Sasabihin nilang legal ito.
Sasabihin nilang may kapangyarihan ang Kongreso.
Sasabihin nilang nasunod ang proseso.

Pero ang pagiging legal ay hindi sapat.

Ang tunay na sukatan ay lehitimasyon — at walang lehitimasyon kung walang malinaw na paliwanag.
Kung may dahilan ang ₱30 bilyon, ilatag ito nang malinaw.
Ipaliwanag sa simpleng salita.
Ipagtanggol sa harap ng publiko.
Ang badyet ay salamin ng pagpapahalaga ng gobyerno. At sa puntong ito, malinaw ang mensahe: mas inuuna ang kaginhawaan ng kapangyarihan kaysa sa pangangailangan ng mamamayan.

Ang Kongresong tunay na kumakatawan sa taumbayan ay hindi nagtatago sa likod ng annex, lump-sum, at teknikal na termino. Humaharap ito sa publiko at ipinaliliwanag, piso-piso, kung bakit karapat-dapat itong tumanggap ng dagdag — lalo na kung ang bayan ay patuloy na hinihingan ng sakripisyo.

Hangga’t hindi iyon nangyayari, ang ₱30 bilyon ay hindi makikitang pamamahala.

Makikita ito bilang pribilehiyo.

12/26/2025

WHEN “INCENTIVES” PRECEDE THE VOTE, DEMOCRACY COMES LAST

Transparency is not a courtesy. It is a constitutional obligation.

What Rep. Leandro Legarda Leviste laid bare in his press briefing is not a difference of opinion, nor a misunderstanding of procedure. It is evidence of a budget process that says one thing in public and does another behind closed doors.

According to documents and timelines presented, allocations for lawmakers — described as “allocables” or “incentives” — were already embedded in the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) National Expenditure Program (NEP) before the formal period of congressional amendments. These included standardized amounts for district representatives, party-list representatives, and so-called “soft” projects, coursed not only through DPWH but also across multiple agencies.

This directly contradicts sworn statements made during budget hearings and plenary deliberations, where the DPWH repeatedly denied the existence of congressionally nominated projects in the NEP and claimed that insertions only occur after the NEP stage.

The contradiction is not minor. It strikes at the heart of public trust.

Even more troubling is the revelation that some of these allocations were presented quietly to lawmakers shortly before the budget vote, framed as “incentives.” When public funds are dangled in private, ahead of a decisive vote, the issue ceases to be about infrastructure planning or social services. It becomes a question of whether budgetary power is being used as leverage.

To be clear: the argument here is not that allocations for districts or sectors are inherently illegitimate. The real issue is secrecy. If these allocations are lawful, necessary, and defensible, then there should be no reason to hide them, deny them, or reveal them only to a select few.

A ₱3.5-trillion national budget is not a private negotiation. It is a public covenant.

The Filipino people do not merely fund the budget — they are its ultimate stakeholders. They have the right to know, before approval, who proposed which projects, through which agencies, and in what amounts. Disclosure after ratification is not transparency; it is damage control.

When government agencies deny what documents later confirm, accountability collapses. And when incentives precede votes, democracy becomes transactional.

The call raised today is simple, reasonable, and urgent:
Publish all “allocables” and “incentives.”
Name the proponents.
Disclose them before the vote.
Anything less is not reform — it is theater paid for by the public.

----------------------------------------------

Ang transparency ay hindi pabor. Isa itong obligasyong konstitusyonal.

Ang ibinunyag ni Rep. Leandro Legarda Leviste sa kanyang press briefing ay hindi simpleng pagtatalo sa proseso ng badyet. Isa itong malinaw na ebidensiya ng sistemang may sinasabi sa publiko ngunit may ibang ginagawa sa likod ng pinto.

Batay sa mga dokumento at timeline na inilatag, may mga alokasyon para sa mga mambabatas — tinatawag na “allocables” o “incentives” — na naisama na sa National Expenditure Program (NEP) ng DPWH bago pa man ang pormal na yugto ng congressional amendments. May nakatakdang halaga para sa district representatives, party-list representatives, at mga “soft projects,” na dumaan hindi lamang sa DPWH kundi pati sa iba’t ibang ahensiya ng gobyerno.

Tahasang sinasalungat nito ang mga pahayag na ginawa sa mga pagdinig at plenary deliberations, kung saan iginiit ng DPWH na wala umanong proyektong nominasyon mula sa mga kongresista sa NEP at na ang mga insertions ay nangyayari lamang pagkatapos ng NEP.

Hindi maliit na usapin ang ganitong pagkakasalungatan. Direktang tinatamaan nito ang tiwala ng taumbayan.

Mas nakakabahala pa ang ulat na ang ilan sa mga alokasyong ito ay ipinakita nang palihim sa ilang mambabatas bago ang botohan sa badyet, at tinukoy bilang “incentives.” Kapag ang pera ng bayan ay inilalatag nang pribado bago ang isang kritikal na boto, ang usapin ay hindi na tungkol sa serbisyo publiko — kundi sa impluwensiya at kapalit.

Maliwanag: hindi sinasabi rito na awtomatikong masama ang pagkakaroon ng alokasyon para sa mga distrito o sektor. Ang tunay na problema ay ang pagtatago. Kung ang mga alokasyong ito ay legal, makatarungan, at makabubuti sa publiko, bakit kailangang itago, itanggi, o ilabas lamang sa piling mga tao?

Ang ₱3.5 trilyong pambansang badyet ay hindi lihim na kasunduan. Isa itong kasunduang panlipunan.

Hindi lang nagbabayad ng buwis ang mamamayan — sila ang may-ari ng badyet. Karapatan nilang malaman, bago pa maaprubahan, kung sino ang nagpanukala ng mga proyekto, saang ahensiya ito dadaan, at magkano ang halaga. Ang pagbubunyag pagkatapos ng ratipikasyon ay hindi transparency; ito ay huli na.

Kapag ang ahensiya ng gobyerno ay nagtatanggi sa mga katotohanang kalaunan ay pinatutunayan ng dokumento, gumuho ang pananagutan. At kapag ang “incentives” ay nauuna sa boto, nagiging transaksiyonal ang demokrasya.

Simple at makatuwiran ang panawagan:
Ihayag ang lahat ng “allocables” at “incentives.”
Pangalanan ang mga nagpanukala.
I-disclose ito bago ang botohan.

Anumang kulang dito ay hindi reporma — palabas lamang na ang taumbayan ang nagbabayad.

12/26/2025

Why Infrastructure Never Ends: The Budget Is the Real Project

In theory, infrastructure is supposed to end.

A road is built.
A bridge is completed.
A drainage system is finished.
Then maintenance begins, funding tapers, and resources move elsewhere.
But the files tell a different story.

Across multiple fiscal years—2023 to 2026—the same districts appear again and again in the budget tables. Allocations rise, dip, and rise again, but they rarely disappear. There is no visible “last tranche,” no clear completion signal, no moment when a project exits the system.

That is the first red flag.

From Projects to Slots

What these documents reveal is not infrastructure planning—it is allocation permanence.

In a healthy system, budgets follow projects.
In this system, projects follow budgets.

Infrastructure has quietly shifted from being an output (a finished road) to a slot—a recurring budget position tied to a district. Once a slot exists, the rational behavior is not to complete it, but to keep it alive.

Change the scope.
Rename the project.
Reclassify the works.
Reinsert it next year.
That is how infrastructure stops ending.

Front-Loaded Money, Tapered Accountability

The spending pattern is unmistakable.
Budgets surge in the early years, peaking before election cycles, then compress in later proposals. The proposed 2026 allocations are not proof of restraint—they are proof that the heavy spending already happened.
This is not completion logic.
This is front-loading, followed by maintenance of political commitments.
If projects were truly finishing, we would see lines close. Instead, we see them persist.

Why Island Districts Are Always at the Floor

Lone island districts—like Camiguin, Dinagat, or Siquijor—expose the system’s design most clearly.

They have:

one district line
no internal buffer
no multiple DEOs to redistribute cuts

When adjustments are needed, these districts absorb them quietly. They are funded at the minimum, not because they need less, but because they have less political insulation.

As a result, islands live in permanent “rehabilitation mode”: repairs without transformation, maintenance without modernization.

Infrastructure doesn’t end there because it is never allowed to truly begin.

Regional Totals as Camouflage

Large regional totals are often cited as proof of balance. But those totals hide deep internal inequality.

Inside each region, a few districts are structurally protected, while others are kept at survival levels. The regional headline masks district-level reality.

This allows officials to claim fairness while the allocation logic remains selective.

Why This Is Incriminating—Even Without Names

No names are needed for the pattern to indicate the system.

Projects repeat without closure

Budgets behave like entitlements

Allocation follows political structure more closely than geography or risk

Completion is invisible, but continuity is guaranteed

That combination creates the perfect environment for recycling, re-scoping, and perpetual rebidding.

Infrastructure never ends because ending it is not rewarded.

The Real Question

The question is no longer “Why are roads unfinished?”

The real question is:

Why is the budget designed so that finishing is unnecessary?

Until funding is tied to completion—and not merely to district presence—infrastructure will remain permanent on paper and temporary on the ground.

-----------------------------------------------------------------

Bakit Hindi Natatapos ang Infrastructure: Dahil ang Badyet ang Tunay na Proyekto

Sa tamang sistema, ang infrastructure ay may hangganan.

Ginagawa ang kalsada.
Tinatapos ang tulay.
Inaayos ang drainage.
Pagkatapos, maintenance na lang—at lilipat na ang pondo sa ibang lugar.
Pero iba ang kwento ng mga dokumentong ito.

Mula 2023 hanggang 2026, iisang mga distrito ang paulit-ulit na lumilitaw sa budget tables. Tumataas at bumababa ang halaga, pero bihirang mawala. Walang malinaw na “huling pondo.” Walang indikasyon na tapos na ang proyekto.

Iyan ang unang babala.

Mula Proyekto, Naging Slot

Ang ipinapakita ng mga files ay hindi plano ng pagtatapos—kundi pagpapanatili ng alokasyon.

Sa ideal na sistema, sumusunod ang badyet sa proyekto.
Dito, sumusunod ang proyekto sa badyet.

Ang infrastructure ay hindi na tinitingnan bilang tapos na output, kundi bilang permanenteng slot sa distrito. Kapag may slot na, ang lohikal na kilos ay hindi tapusin ito—kundi panatilihin.

Palitan ang pangalan.
Baguhin ang saklaw.
Ipasok ulit sa susunod na taon.
Dito nagsisimulang hindi matapos ang infrastructure.

Front-Loading ng Pera, Pagliit ng Pananagutan

Makikita sa datos ang malinaw na siklo:
Malalaking pondo sa unang taon, rurok bago ang eleksyon, tapos biglang higpit sa mga susunod na panukala.
Hindi ito senyales ng pagtitipid.
Ito ay patunay na nauna na ang malalaking gastos.

Kung tapos na ang mga proyekto, dapat mawala ang linya. Pero hindi nawawala—dahil hindi pagtatapos ang sukatan ng sistema.

Bakit Palaging Nasa Ilalim ang Mga Isla

Ang mga lone island districts tulad ng Camiguin ang pinaka-klarong ebidensya ng disenyo ng sistema.

Isang linya lang sila.
Walang buffer.
Walang paglilipatan ng pondo.

Kapag kailangang magbawas, sila ang tahimik na tinatamaan. Hindi dahil kaunti ang pangangailangan, kundi dahil kaunti ang proteksyon.
Kaya ang mga isla ay laging nasa “repair mode”—hindi tunay na pag-unlad.

Hindi natatapos ang infrastructure dahil hindi ito pinapayagang magsimula nang buo.

Ginagamit ang Regional Totals Bilang Panakip

Malalaking regional totals ang madalas ipang-depensa. Pero sa loob ng mga numerong iyon, may iilang distrito na protektado at marami ang nakalutang lang.

Mukhang pantay sa papel, pero hindi sa realidad.
Bakit Ito Incriminating Kahit Walang Pangalan
Hindi kailangan ng pangalan para makita ang problema.

Paulit-ulit ang pondo, walang pagtatapos

Ang badyet ay parang karapatan, hindi tungkulin

Mas sinusunod ang political structure kaysa tunay na pangangailangan

Ito ang sistemang nagpapahintulot sa paulit-ulit na proyekto.

Ang Tunay na Tanong

Hindi na “bakit hindi natatapos ang kalsada?”

Ang tanong ay:

Bakit dinisenyo ang badyet para hindi kailangang tapusin ang proyekto?

Hangga’t hindi nakatali ang pondo sa completion, mananatiling permanente ang infrastructure sa papel—at pansamantala sa lupa.

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Website

https://www.cprmfm.com/, http://www.cprmfm.com/, https://www.cprmfm.com/, https://www.cprmfm.com/, https://www.cprmfm.co

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